경북대학교 BK21+ 글로컬 역사문화 전문인력 사업단

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The cover image:

Author: choi, han-gi, 1803-1879; kim, jung-ho, ????-1864 Short title: 地球前後圖

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2019년 경북대학교 대학원 사학과 BK21+ 하계 단기연수

주제: 동아시아에서 전개된 세계적 차원의 지식전이

담당교수: 율리안 비온티노(Chiva Univ.), 클라우스 디트리히(EdUHK) 지도 및 기획: 황태진(KNU), 김유경(KNU)

Summer Course at KNU

BK21+ Project, Dept. of History, KNU Graduate School

Theme: Global Transfer of Knowledge and the Change of Local

Society in East Asia

Instructors: Julian Biontino(Chiva Univ.), Klaus Dittrich(EdUHK) Guidance and planning: Hwang, Tae-Jin(KNU), Kim, Yu-Kyong(KNU)

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Ⅰ. 일정(Schedule)

p. 1

Ⅱ. 발표문(presentation)

1. Introduction and Acceptance of the Western calendar system in the Mid Joseon Dynasty / Shin, Ju-YeopYu, (신주엽) p. 3

2. The Transition and Utilization of Forensic Knowledge in the Choson Dynasty - Based on the import and utilization of 『無冤錄(wuyuan-lü)』 / Yu, Chang-Hyeon (유창연) p. 7

3. After the Opening of a Port: The Brewing Industry and Technology in Masan / Eo, Mi-Seon (어미선) p. 12

4. The Introduction of the Modern Postal System and Related Changes / Shin, Dong-Il (신동일) p. 19

5. State Thoery of Johann Caspar Bluntschli and the Transformation in East Asia / Lee, Joo-Seung(이주승) p. 24

6. American Automobile Technology Discourse in Colonial Era Korean Newspapers: as discussed in the 1920s and 30s in the Dong-A Ilbo and the Busan Ilbo / Jung, Young-Seok (정영석) p. 28

7. Introduction of Western medicine and training of Korean woman doctor / Park, Tae-Hwan (박태환) p. 33

8. The Korean National Museum Support Project by the American Private Foundations in 1950s South Korea.

/ Kim. Ye-Rin(김예린) p. 39

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I. 일정 (Schedule)

1. lecture and comments

July 3

rd

_{2019 (Wed), 09:00~11:00 lecutre / 11:00~11:30 comments}

Instructor: Julian Biontino

Theme: “The Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War

and the Western Technology, strategy, and perceptions”

2. lecture and comments

July 3

rd

2019 (Wed), 14:00~16:00 lecutre / 16:00~16:30 comments

Instructor: Klaus Dittrich

Theme: “The Institutionalisation of the Japanese Education

System during the Early Meiji Era in Global Context”

3. lecture and comments

July 4

th

2019 (Thur), 09:00~11:00 lecture / 11:00~11:30 comments

Instructor: Klaus Dittrich

Theme: “Korea in Global Context around 1900: Education and

Foreign Communities”

4. lecture and comments

July 4

th

_{2019 (Thur), 14:00~16:00 lecture / 16:00~16:30 comments}

Instructor: Julian Biontino

Theme: “Dissecting the Colonial Studies of Yanaihara Tadao –

How to (not) ‘learn’ from the West

”

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Summer Course at KNU, BK21+Project, Dept. of History, KNU Graduate School Global Transfer of Knowledge and the Change of Local Society in East Asia Instructors: Julian Biontino(Chiva Univ.), Klaus Dittrich(EdUHK)

Guidance and planning: Hwang, Tea-Jin(KNU), Kim, Yu-Kyong(KNU) 2019.07.03.(Wed) ~ 07.04.(Thu)

Shin, Ju-Yeop [email protected]

1. Introduction and Acceptance of the Western calendar system

in the Mid Joseon Dynasty

Items called ‘Calendar’ today existed even during the Joseon Dynasty(1392~1910). It was made in a GwanSangGam(觀象監, astronomical observatory) and was called a ‘YeokSeo(曆書, almanac)’ or ‘ChaengNyeok(冊曆)’. Information on the date and time contained in YeokSeo became the basis of historical records. And it helped people to prepare food stocks and decide which crops to grow. After the 18th century, YeokSeo became common. Therefore, many people could use YeokSeo to determine the date of marriage, funerals, travel, or building a house. Like today's ‘Diaries’, they recorded daily work or households in YeokSeo. It was similar to Western ‘Calendars’ whose use came from ‘Calendarium’, which means interesting records or accounting books in Latin.

During the pre-modern period, the dynastic countries of the Korea Peninsula received or imported YeokSeo from China. At the end of the Goryeo Dynasty(1370), Arabian astronomy was imported from the Yuan(元) under the name ‘Susiryeok(授時曆)’. It was also imported into Goryeo under the name ‘Daetongnyeok(大統曆)’ through the Ming(明) and continued into mid Joseon Dynasty(17c). In the 17th century, ‘Siheollyeok(時憲曆)’, based on Western astronomy, was imported from the Qing(淸) and used until the early 20th century.

However, the Qing, where Joseon imported YeokSeo, was an empire that invaded Joseon in 1627 and 1636, causing great damage. Nevertheless, Joseon tried to import YeokSeo from Qing from 1645. This essay focuses on why Joseon wanted to import YeokSeo from the Qing, which was a target of revenge. And find out whether YeokSeo imported by Joseon

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regarded it as the technology of Qing or Western technology. Through this work, we expect to be able to reveal the meaning of YeokSeo in the pre-modern dynastic countries.

- Changes in YeokSeo in China and Imports to Joseon

Joseon made and distributed YeokSeo based on Daetongnyeok from the Ming at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty(1370~1392) until the introduction of Siheollyeok in the 17th century. Joseon tried to develop an YeokSeo that suited the situation of the Korean Peninsula rather than accept China's YeokSeo as it is. As a result, Chiljeongsan(七政算), a YeokSeo in Joseon, was developed by referring to Yuan’s Susiryeok and Ming’s Daetongnyeok. Because Yuan’s Susiryeok and Ming’s Daetongnyeok were developed on the basis of Arab astronomy, the application of Chiljeongsan means that the Arab ‘calendar systems(曆法)’ defined the time of Joseon.

As an application of Siheollyeok in the 17th century, Western calendar systems defined the time of Joseon. An astronomer of the Ming, Xú guāng-qǐ(徐光啟), learned Western science and technology through Italian missionary Matteo Ricci in 1604. He confirmed that there was a mistake in estimating celestial phenomena using Ming's Daetongnyeok, but that there was no error in estimating them using Western calendar systems. He modified Daetongnyeok with missionaries of Societas Jesu, Niccolo Longobardi, Joannes Terrenz and Adam Schall to complete 『Chóng zhēn lì shū(崇禎曆書)』 in 1634. Matteo Ricci, who taught Xú guāng-qǐ western astronomy, learned from Christopher Clavius, the creator of the Gregorian calendar we are currently using. Terrenz had studied with Galileo Galilei, who defended the Heliocentric Theory, and Adam Schall correctly predicted the eclipse three times while staying in China in 1622. As Western missionaries such as Giacomo Rho and Ferdinand Verbiest took the lead in the affairs of the astronomical observatory, China's calendar systems were bound to be influenced by Western science.

The Qing, which destroyed the Ming and occupied China, developed 『xī yáng xīn fǎ lì shū(西洋新法曆書)』, which means new calendar system using Western technology, with Adam Schall based on Ming’s 『Chóng zhēn lì sh ū』. The new calendar system Siheollyeok, distributed in 1645, is the first YeokSeo to use Western science in Chinese history. And Joseon wanted to introduce the Siheollyeok of the Qing immediately. The previous study did not see Joseon's attempt to introduce Siheollyeok as accepting Western

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science in 1645. They argued that this was only the practice of adopting China's new YeokSeo since the Goryeo Dynasty.

However, in 1645, a Joseon official who advocated the introduction of Siheollyeok recognized Siheollyeok as a Western calendar system. Kim Yuk(金堉), who was in charge of the astronomical observatory, visited China several times and knew better than anyone that the Ming and Qing developed YeokSeo using Western science. He thought that since the existing YeokSeo was wrong in estimating the celestial phenomenon accurately, it was necessary to make an accurate estimate by introducing a new YeokSeo to replace it. Therefore, he insisted that officials should be dispatched to the astronomical observatory of the Qing to learn a new calendar systems using Western science. As a result of introducing a new YeokSeo from the Qing, it confirmed that there were fewer observations and errors in the celestial phenomena of Joseon. And after 1654, Joseon’s YeokSeo was made by applying new YeokSeo(Siheollyeok).

- Introduction of New YeokSeo(Siheollyeok) and Conflict

The process of introducing a new Western calendar system, Siheollyeok, into a society that had been using the existing calendar system, Daetongnyeok, for about 300 years was not without conflict. At that time, in Joseon, there was a feeling of gratitude to the Ming for sending support troops to the war against Japan in 1592. In addition, the idea that the Ming was tantamount to rebuilding Joseon still remained strong. But from one country that Joseon wanted to introduce New YeokSeo(Siheollyeok) was the Qing, which had invaded Joseon twice in 1627 and 1636. Moreover, when the Qing destroyed the Ming and took over China in 1644, the perception of rejecting the Qing(反淸) became stronger in Joseon. Furthermore, the call to attack the Qing to keep allegiance to the Ming was prevalent. In this atmosphere, Joseon attempted to introduce New YeokSeo of the Qing.

On the introduction of New YeokSeo(Siheollyeok) in the 17th century, previous studies argue that it was unacceptable for Joseon to use a different YeokSeo from the imperial Qing. However, this view does not seem to have taken into account the link between the historical background of the Ming and Qing replacements and the meaning of the calendar system. Those who opposed the introduction of New YeokSeo(Siheollyeok) did not argue that New YeokSeo should not be introduced because it belonged to the Qing, which invaded Joseon and

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destroyed the Ming. Opponents did not understand that the sun's un-uniform motion(不等速運動) would change the spacing of the solar term (節氣). They also argued that using New YeokSeo would change the position of the observable stars and create difficulties in farming due to inconsistencies in the spacing of the solar term. This is because they did not understand the revolution and rotation of celestial bodies. Opponents did not object on the grounds that the New YeokSeo belonged to the Qing. The introduction of New YeokSeo(Siheollyeok) in the 17th century of Joseon was not directly related to the perception of rejecting the Qing(反淸) heightened during the Ming and Qing replacements periods. And this cannot be explained by East Asia's Tribute-Investiture relations alone. Joseon introduced Western science, which was able to make accurate estimates, amid the traditional perception that the king had no difficulty in farming by estimating the solar term for the people. In other words, Joseon introduced the Western calendar system as a technology to govern the nation.

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Yu, Chang-Yeon [email protected]

2. The Transition and Utilization of Forensic Knowledge in the

Choson Dynasty

- Based on the import and utilization of 『無冤錄(wuyuan-lü)』

-I. introduction

In East Asia, before Western concepts and knowledge came in, traditional 'autopsy(檢驗 ; 檢屍)' knowledge was formed, disseminated and shared.1)

Books that cover China's forensic knowledge include "洗寃集錄(xiyuan-jilü)" published during the Song Dynasty and "無冤錄(wuyuan-lü)," compiled during the Yuan Dynasty. In this regard, the Song and Yuan Dynasties were a period when forensic knowledge was collected and systematized. Korea accepted Chinese forensic knowledge system and ideological basis(Humanitarianism) as it is. It was during the Choson period that Korea fully accepted the forensic knowledge of China and the ideological problems surrounding it. It was possible because Choson also made studying Confucianism as the national governing ideology. The rulers of Choson were also "intellectuals of the Confucian world" and had a moral sense of duty to "relieve the victims of crime." However, they also accepted and utilized "無冤錄" because they had no knowledge of the specific methodologies and knowledge systems.

This article first deals with "the propagation of legal knowledge" from China to Choson, which is based on "無冤錄." In addition, it intends to prove that Choson also actually used its own forensic knowledge through the coroner's example shown in the "朝鮮王朝實錄(The Annals of the Choson Dynasty)" and part of "增修無冤錄大典(zengxiu-wuyuanlü-dadian)," which was compiled by Choson itself.

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II. Import of "無冤錄" in the early Choson Dynasty

Since its founding, Choson has imported various kinds of law-related books from China and reorganized the law. These legal books have greatly helped to set the country's criminal, administrative and other ordinances. However, "無冤錄" was far from utilized just for legislating purposes. "無冤錄" was imported on the basis of a Confucian morality. Choson's simultaneous acceptance of legal books and "無冤錄" proves that finding a way to resolve the injustice of the murdered victim was equally important as punishing the suspect as a law.2)

"無冤錄" began to be discussed in detail from the time of King Sejong's reign. Prior to King Sejong's reign, judicial officials used only the fragmentary knowledge in "無冤錄." In 1435 (the 17th year of King Sejong's reign), it was suggested that law enforcement officials should study the book. In addition, some argued that the "無冤錄" should be used as a textbook in the examination of selecting lower-level judicial officials. Since Choson's use of knowledge was made through a management selection test, it is very important that the claim was raised by subordinates. Sejong accepted these arguments. However, the complex style of "無冤錄" and various complex jargon were major obstacles to learning. So Sejong tried to compile a book with a translation and annotation that made "無冤錄" easier to read. Scholar officials ordered by King Sejong, translated and annotated "無冤錄" by referencing other forensic books. The result of this work is the "新注無冤錄". "New State of the Union Book" is a representative book of Choson's forensic acceptance.

III. Utilization of "新注無冤錄"

"無冤錄" and "新注無冤錄" do not differ greatly in the composition of the basic system, contents, and table of contents. The various coroner's methods listed in the "新注無冤錄" and the context of the body's "顔色 (complexion+purple spot)" are basically all referred to in "無冤錄." In this section, we will look at the use of the "新注無冤錄". There are two main ways to use it. First, let's take a look at the actual cases of conducting an autopsy and interpreting the results through forensic knowledge. In this article, we will look at the issue through "The Annals of the Choson Dynasty." The second is to look at the development of the forensic system,

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which is concentrated in the "新注無冤錄." This can be based on the compilation of "增修無冤錄大典" and some of its contents.

First, let's look at the first question. The following quotes are from the investigation and report of the strangled body of the then judicial official.

刑曹에서 鞫問한 두언의 어미 俱瑟과 그 아우 張吾乙, 죽은 私奴李寶·金祿이 모두 목을 맨 상황을 말하기를, ‘목에 傷處도 없고, 자국 난 흔적도 없으며, 또 노끈[葛索]으로 두 손을 한데 묶어 배꼽 아래에 잡아매었다.’ 하였고, 檢屍人原平·交河 아 전[吏]이 증험한 것도 上項의 4인의 말과 다름이 없으니, 이것은 스스로 목을 맨 것 이 아닌 것으로 의심이 듭니다. …(중략)… 비록 혹시 스스로 목을 매었다 하더라 도, 이것은 또한 홍자가 威力으로 逼迫하여 죽게 한 것입니다. …(下略) (The underline is the author's separate mark.)

The circumstances under which the body was found appear to be suicide, but the forensic circumstances suggest that it is not suicide. The "fake suicide" case should find evidence that the apparent method of suicide was indeed fabricated by the suspect and the cause of the victim's death. In this regard, it is possible to find the contents of the "新注無冤錄" that would have been referred to by judicial officials at that time.

스스로 목을 매거나 남에게 목을 졸린 경우, 혹은 살해하고서 자액(Suicide)으로 위장한 경우 등은 쉽게 구별할 수 있다. 진실로 자액한 경우는 끈이나 띠, 새끼줄 이나 천 등을 사용하여 목을 매고, 얽어맨 줄이 교차하여 좌우의 귀 뒤에까지 이 르는데, 액흔(strangled mark)이 매우 검붉은색이 된다.…(下略)

The point of attention to this is the underlined '액흔(a strangled mark)' problem. The inquest clearly stated, 'There is no scar on the body's neck, there is no trace of it,' so it is certainly not circumstantial evidence that the body hanged itself during its lifetime. Probably, it is highly likely that he hanged the dead body in order to manipulate it into a situation in which he hanged himself after being killed by some other cause. Generally, after postmortem stiffness occurs, the skin does not respond differently to strong external stimuli until the decay occurs. With this in mind, the

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content of the above-mentioned "新注無冤錄" was also presented as evidence to distinguish between "suicide" and "covered suicide" around the neck of the body.

The forensic book "增修無冤錄大全", compiled in the 24th year of King Yeongjo's reign (1748), was basically compiled based on a sense of problem that the "新注無冤錄" should be improved again. The first notable part is that the "新注無冤錄" and "增修無冤錄大全" differ from that table of contents. In addition, it can be seen that the inspection cases of the Yuan Dynasty cited in various parts of the "新注無冤錄" have been deleted. "新注無冤錄", which was edited and annotated with complete Chinese characters, also became problematic over time, including errors in the details and difficult to use. For this reason, King Yeongjo(英祖) ordered 具宅奎(taekgyu, Gu) to write a book that supplemented 'New State Master' by referring to books such as "洗寃集錄," "平怨錄(pingyuan-lü)." The most obvious difference between the contents of "增修無冤錄大全" and "新注無冤錄" is about "poisoning." "新注無冤錄" lists addicts based on their life's poison intake or contact with the poison. However, '增修無冤錄大全' divides the time points into '生前' and '死後' and organizes the details of a wider variety of addictions. The enlargement of this means that knowledge about "poisoning" has been accumulated and compiled more by the development of more coroner's and medical knowledge.

IV. closing remarks

Unlike the previous era, Confucian scholars, the ruling class of Choson, imported and utilized various kinds of knowledge from a strictly scholarly perspective. China's forensic system, represented by the "無冤錄," has also been imported in this context. The fact that "無冤錄" was used as a teaching tool for the judicial official selection test shows that Choson did not neglect its knowledge of "forensic medicine." However, Choson was not

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satisfied with a single book called "無冤錄"'. The "新注無冤錄" and "增修無冤錄大全" clearly show the process of accepting and developing forensic knowledge that has been transferred from the outside. In addition, the "無冤錄" presented a set of administrative actions related to the preparation of the medical examination report and the submission of the report that followed the medical examination.

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Eo, Mi-Seon

[email protected]

3. After the Opening of a Port: The Brewing Industry and

Technology in Masan

Introduction:

The saying, 'Water is made by God, and alcohol by man,' has been with us for a long time, even before the writing system was created. Making alcohol, a beverage that contains more than one degree of alcohol, is called ‘distillation’. The Korean Peninsula, has a long history of distillation. Particularly, unlike China and Japan, Korea has been free to make and drink alcohol in the private households due to the culture of Kayangju. However, because of the Liquor Tax Act (1909) proclaimed by the Japanese Resident-General of Korea and distillation-related ordinances laws (1916) proclaimed by Japanese occupation of Korea, Korean traditional distillation technology, handed down over thousands of years, was changed rapidly and almost disappeared.

Considerable research on the foundry industry has been published. However, studies of the foundry industry during the Japanese colonial era generally argue that the Japanese Empire proclaimed these laws to manage and control the distillation industry as a state-initiated project. As a result, these studies are limited in that they only describe the history of the foundry industry in terms of 'exploitation' that led to the collapse of the Joseon foundries. The recent studies of distillation industry in local communities are limited also to Busan and Masan, and their focus is on how the Japanese Empire used the distillation industry and liquor tax to wrestle control from Joseon. Therefore, despite the changes in distillation techniques during the Japanese colonial period, there is still a lack of research in terms of technological change for each alcohol (Cheongju,

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Soju, and Takju).

Therefore, this paper aims to investigate the change in Joseon’s distillation technology by the Japanese Empire. According to the book, “Joseonjujosa” (1935); published by the Joseon Dynasty Association, an organization under the Governor-General's Ministry, the Japanese Empire tried to develop Joseon’s distillation technology by establishing technical institutions and dispatch technicians to each area to transmit technology. By establishing technical institution and dispatch technicians to each area to transmit technology. On the other hand, in particular, the effect of distillation technology introduced during the period of Japanese colonial rule on Masan society is to be understood, taking note that Masan, which was called ‘Judo or Juhyang,’ which means city of wine, during the period of Japanese colonial rule, still produces distillations using foundry technology from the colonial period. To this end, the paper searches the locational conditions caused by the natural environment of Masan, identifies the traditional Korean distillation technology, and tries to figure out the efforts to make the distillation technology and its distillation technology during the Japanese colonial period. And although previous researches do not focus on changes in distillation technology, this paper focuses on the distillation technology changes.

Japanese selected Masan as a spot to make alcohol, considering locational conditions caused by its natural environment. Foremost, Masan is close to Japan and, thus, easy to transport alcohol to and from Japan, and Masan has history of traditional distillation. For this reason, Japan identified Masan as a military and economic hub, and protected Masan by establishing a military port in Geoje and Jinhae. However, because of Joseon’s traditional alcohol cultural customs, Japanese had trouble making inroads in alcohol sales. So they blocked Koreans making alcohol on their own, and improved their technology to suit Korean taste. And Japanese technology remains in practice to this day in Masan. According to this fact, it is hard to see this technological transition as strictly exploitation or loss.

Masan as a Case of Local Study:

As part of its efforts to secure the tax base, the Japanese government implemented it from 1905 to manage and control the distillation business as a major national initiative. At that time, Japan used liquor as a target for securing tax sources because the tax was not levied despite the huge

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consumption of alcohol in Joseon society. They took advantage of this point to note that alcohol was an important tax resource from the beginning of the colonial period. After the investigation, the liquor tax law was created in 1909 and taxed grouped by liquor, and as a reporting system, the focus was on identifying the distillation industry in Korea. As a result, the implementation of the State Tax Act, the state tax rate, which accounted for only 1.8 percent of the total tax revenue of the Governor-General of Korea in 1910, rose to 29.5 percent in 1934, gaining the upper hand in the Governor-General's funds. As a consequence, the amount of manufacturing was also increased. In particular, Masan became the home of the chief executive of Cheongju, after Dongju was established first in 1904. Consequently, Masan gradually gained fame as the 'City of Wine' at the time.

There is a representative foundry in Masan, that is the largest foundry, and was established by the Japanese. Total of 13(table 1) foundries were founded. The reason why many heads of shareholders were established in Masan at that time is as follows: first, environmental factors of Masan, second, the increase in consumption of Japanese-style rice wine due to the increase of Japanese people, and finally the support of the Japanese government.

After opening a port in Masan, Japanese rice wine was introduced and sold by Japanese merchants. As explained earlier, however, the increase in the number of Japanese residents in Masan naturally forced the amount of alcohol sold to them to increase. Then, the Japanese, who first imported and sold Japanese rice wine, set up a foundry in Masan with the support of the Japanese government, and started the rice wine manufacturing business. Although rice wine produced was very little, compared to table wine in the early days of distillation, its manufacturing volume steadily increased over time, and, furthermore, the quality of rice wine improved, resulting in the production of amount of demand and exportation. This was the result of the foundry's efforts to improve the facilities and distillation methods of the manufacturing plant to suit the consumer's demand. In particular, Japanese-style rice wine had the largest amount of manufacturing in South Gyeongsang Province, which is thought to have been affected by Masan’s production of it after, the first distillery was established in 1904.

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Province was 2,261 kiloliters, of which Busan accounted for 50 percent of the total manufacturing volume in South Gyeongsang Province with 1,136 kiloliters, while Masan accounted for 35 percent with 794 kiloliters. This shows that the size of the Japanese-style rice wine distillation industry was larger than that of other regions in South Gyeongsang Province. In addition, considering that there were about 40 foundries established in Busan in 1913, compared to Masan’s 13 foundries, the output of the Masan was significant.

Korean and Japanese methods of distillation of rice wine have something in common. It has the same base of using rice, which is made from distiller grains, and liquor that is made by pouring water into it to mature it and then filtered it out. There is a difference in that Korean rice wine has been used with unrefined rice, while Japanese rice wine with refined rice

In 1909, when the State Tax Act was promulgated, Japan improved the manufacturing method of liquor and established a distillation test laboratory on the site of the Governor-General's liquor laboratory (Ahyun-ri, Seoul) for the purpose of improving quality and fostering future resources. However, the distillation test center was abolished in 1921 due to administrative readjustment, and part of the testing facility was transferred to Gyeonggi-do, and until 1929, it conducted analysis tests for liquor and raw materials under the name of the Gyeonggi-do Main Test Station. In 1929, various research on the foundry industry was transferred to the “liquor study room” of the Tax Collection Department in the Finance Bureau. The liquor study room, or laboratory, studied and analyzed various brewing materials, fermentation of fungi, the method of the brewery and the teaching methods for those who worked in foundries.

In the liquor study room, they studied about distillation of each Japanese and Joseon’s alcohol. But the area of study was too large, and thus, the effect of this study was limited. Therefore, in order to improve this with the proclaiming of the liquor tax in 1916, distillation technologists were placed in each region to build a liquor laboratory and to create liquor and other analytical laboratories. Liquor testing laboratories were established in each province, and one technician and 10 other employees were assigned to the six departments and counties of Masan, Wonsan, Jangyeon, Bukcheong, Hoeryong and Suncheon for the joint industrialization of soju business and Cheongju Island. In 1935, with the independence of the tax

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authorities, the National Tax Service stationed in each province, Masan and Wonsan was assigned to each tax office to set up an appraisal department at the tax departments of the tax supervisory departments in Seoul, Daegu and Pyongyang to handle liquor sentiment and leadership affairs. As such, Japan had made considerable efforts to develop the brewing technology of Joseon.

Japanese were required to create distillations in each region to promote mutual benefits, correct old transactors, and fund joint purchases of raw materials. In other combinations, technicians from Japanese Empire gave guidance to Japanese technicians in Joseon. Moreover, the Japanese Empire held lectures for technicians. Japanese who were out of touch with the situation in Joseon were taught about the special circumstances of Joseon and precautions to be taken by foundryman. And Koreans were taught about recipes of Joseon raw rice wine, 약주 and how to manufacture black rice wine and other general distillations. The liquor review meetings and alcohol product shows also aimed to compare and contrast the quality of alcohols and decide which one was good or not as well as assess the results of efforts of technicians from foundries.

This encouraged competitive sentiment among the sellers, which in turn led to growth in the liquor industry. In Masan, there were three separate events in 1928, 1933 and 1935.

Due to such efforts by Japan, the liquor technology such as rice wine and soju has been changed to suit the mechanical factory system. Cheongju had a large number of Japanese immigrating to Joseon after the annexation of Korea, so there were many small or business-oriented manufacturers, but it became 189 manufacturing facilities in 1916 when private owners were abolished with the liquor tax order. The remaining facilities were then improved with new equipment and distillation technology as well as with standards established on select base materials. As a result, the quality of alcohol in the remaining facilities improved every year. Soju industry gradually advanced by practicing the method of injection and improving the distiller. The traditional manufacturing facilities that competed with these liquor-style soju began to convert to black soju around 1920, and the joint concentration of the manufacturing facilities succeeded for three years from 1924 to 1926 in accordance with the Governor-General's intensive policy for 5th degree soju in northwestern Joseon, and gradually developed into a factory organization.

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Conclusion:

To summarize, with the importation of details of the improvement of facilities in the age of Showa in Japan, the producing of malted rice liquor made from small scaled yard was blocked in Korea. And technicians from small scaled distilleries organized together and established factory-style production facilities. As a result, they could produce alcohol in every season and the quality was improved. This improved quality of Cheongju then led to the decreased importation from Japan. The reason was because the production of good quality Cheongju in Joseon became better than those made in Japan.

Moreover, with the revival of black soju in 1927, the grain soju gradually disappeared, and progress was made in the liquor formula of soju. This rapid improvement in the quality was a result of the government's relentless efforts.This led to the spread of modern casting technology by the Japanese in Korea, which led to the disappearance of many traditional Korean folk liquor stocks, which then resulted in the current soju-oriented popular mainstream culture. Masan is the city that best demonstrates this change; Masan drank soju, but it lost its traditional distillation technology and enjoyed the modern factory facilities and technology that the Japanese left behind after liberation.

corporate name adress

category of business

establishment

year annual production

동(東)주조장 청주 1904 1,000석 내외 석교(石橋)주조장 행정(서성동) 청주 1905 500석 오반전(五反田)주조장 통정(장군동) 청주 1906 영무(永武)주조장 서정(청계동) 학정종 (鶴正宗) 1906 서전(西田)주조장 영정(홍문동) 청주 1907 600석 ~ 1,300석 천도원(千島園)주조장 통정(장군동) 청주 1909 500석 정수(井手)주조장 개정 청주 1911 500석 삼호(三好)주조장 부정 청주 1913 400석 평정(平井)주조장 도정 청주 1914 2,000석 청수(淸水)주조장(合資) 유정 청주 1917 13,500석 남선양조(南鮮釀造)(株) 석정 양조업 1919

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원전(原田)주조장 본정 청주 1923 1,100석 빈전(濱田)주조장 신정 청주 1923 500석 촌기(村崎)주조장 도정 청주 1925 금미(金尾)(合資) 통정 양조업 1928 소화주류(昭和酒類)(株) 빈정 청주 1929 - the present 무학 - beginning: 청주 1,000석 1935년 : 기타주류 (소주, 포도주, 기타 위스키, 브랜드 등) 1,650석 산읍(山邑)주조 마산공 장 본정 청주 1929 약 동 양 조 소 ( 洛東釀造所)(合資) 표정 양조업 1931 마산국자제조(馬山麯子製造)(株) 상남동 양조업 1933 마산중앙조선소주공장 ( 馬山中央朝鮮燒酒工場)(合名) 도정 양조업 1935 동 일 주 조 장 ( 東一酒造場)(合資) 오동동 양조업 1935 마산중앙조선소주공장 마산 중앙동 소주 1937 마산약주(馬山藥酒)(株) 표정 양조업 1937 조선환금장유(朝鮮丸金醬油)(株) 풍정 양조업 1942 송본(松本) 주조장 통정 명주 1945

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Shin, Dong-Il

[email protected]

4. The Introduction of the Modern Postal System

and Related Changes

Modern communication is the transmission of information by post and telegraph. Post is a means of delivering letters and objects through people or transport, and telegraph delivers information through the power of electricity and radio wave. The modern postal system was introduced in Joseon, Qing and Japan in the late 19th century, and was called 우정(郵政)in China, 우편(郵便)in Japan, and 우정(郵征)or 우체(郵遞)in Joseon. These differences in terms mean that the character of each country's postal system may differ.

The study of the modern postal system ranged from the establishment of institutions related to the postal system after opening of the port and the changes in the operation method of the institutions to the process of introducing the communication system. Nevertheless, the study of postal systems is rather poor compared to research of telegraph and has limitations that do not show institutional and technical continuity as a result of the development of postal services. The reasons are as follows: 1. A fragmentary description of the process of introducing the postal

system.

2. An 11-year-hiatus on the Postal Service due to the abolition of the Postal Service from the failure of the ‘Gapsin Coup’ to the establishment of the Postal Service in 1895.

3. Absence of a theoretical framework to capture the changes caused by the postal system.

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Among them, No.3 constitutes the main thesis of the article, which is related to the thinking of what the development of the postal system means in Korean history. Here I am going to take a hypothetical look at the link between development of the postal system and spread of newspaper. And based on Benedict Andersen's theory which places newspapers in key positions in redefining the nation, let's assume that the development of the postal service had a certain impact on the Korean ‘nation-ness’. This article covers the entire opening period, but in part three, I'd like to focus on the aftermath of the ‘Gabo Reform’. It is expected that this period will show both the spread of newspapers and the readership growing through a series of policies, including the development of the postal service, the creation of government gazette, and the regulation of the use of Hangeul in official documents.

First, the process of introducing the postal system in Joseon is quite clear. However, questions remain as to whether there was any modification in the process of the transfer of the postal system from the British to Joseon via the Japanese system and whether such modification contributed to shaping the characteristics of Joseon's own postal system.

In 1881, Hong Young-sik met with Maejima Hisoka, who had a great influence on the establishment of the Japanese postal system, to discuss the postal system, and later suggested to King Gojong to introduce a modern communication system. On March 27, 1884, King Gojong ordered, "As the domestic and foreign relations between various countries have increased daily, news or letters have flourished and the post office has been set up, add to the benefits of construction by expanding the number of mail and post-boat to and from each port in the year ahead."

Here King Gojong basically looked at the postal system for its functions for trade and economic profit. This perception also appears in the enlightenment faction who suggested the introduction of the postal system. This can be seen in articles of the ‘HanseongSunbo’, first modern newspaper in Joseon. (11/21/in 1883, 2/21, 6/21 in 1884 ‘HanseongSunbo’).

King Gojong and the enlightenment faction's perception of the postal system was different from that of the Japanese government. The following is an announcement that Japan planned to create a national postal system:

It is of greatest importance for public and private objects to facilitate as far as possible communication by post... The charge for letters required to be forwarded

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with expedition has been very high, and the poorer classes in remote parts of the country have been entirely shut out from mutual intercourse... It is therefore our intention gradually to inaugurate a general system of Posts on all the high-roads of the Empire, so that there may be inter-communication of thought between the remote points, and the state of affairs throughout the country e ascertained with ease and quickness, so that all classes may be able to have their letters forwarded with the greatest possible expedition.

Based on the above, the Meiji government was trying to include the people in the communication network of ideas through the introduction of the modern postal system. However, it is difficult to find similar intentions of including the people in the nation's communication network in newspapers and records of Joseon. Nor were there any announcements to convey such ideas at the national level to all parts of the country.

Given these differences, it is necessary to analyze what intentions and reflections were made in the process of introducing the postal system. In particular, it is necessary to look at the differences in the perception of the main group that introduced the postal system. Some of the materials to be considered include Kang Jin-hyung's "日東錄,"MaezimaHisoka 's "郵便創業淡" and Charles Andrew's "From Post Station to Post Office: Communications in Tokugawa and Early MeijiJapan."

Second, it is necessary to explain whether there were any discussions or concerns about the postal system during the 11-year hiatus of the modern postal system, or if such discussions existed, then if any of the ideas were reflected in the installation of the post office in 1895. It is difficult to find discussions on the postal system in newspapers as well as in official materials such as the “a true record of the Joseon Dynasty” and “SeungjeongwonIlgi”. It is well known from official documents between Joseon and Japan that discussions on the postal system were difficult at this time. Records in the May 13th and June 19th 1887 show that Takahira, a Japanese agency, asked the Korean government several times about the reopening of postal system. The Joseon government, however, continued to evade answering the question, saying it has no political discussion yet.

However, it is assumed that there was some discussion about the resumption of the postal service, as was re-issued by ‘HansungSunbo’ as the ‘HansungJoo-bo’ after the failure of the Gapsin Coup. For instance, there are some articles that add up the world’s post quantity and the resulting tax amount of the world in the ‘HansungJoo-bo’. It means many

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people still focused on financial functions, and there were might be several debates about the postal system. So we need to keep an eye on such discussions in this period to find out the nature of postal service since then.

Thirdly, it is necessary to understand many changes caused by restarting the postal system and its nature. In particular, 1895, when post office was re-established, was not only right after the Sino-Japanese War, but also during the period of transition to the establishment of the Korean Empire in 1897. In this context, the study should consider what the establishment of the postal system meant during this period?

Such a revision of the postal system, which appears in the process of transitioning to the Korean Empire, came in the direction of a complete revision of existing domestic postal rules, along with efforts to implement international post. Since 1895, postal services was established in various areas, and in 1896, the four basic tracks of the Gyeongbu Line, Honam Line, Gyeongui Line and Gyeongwon Line were arranged roughly. There were 11 first-class offices, 13 second-class offices and one branch office was set up by 1896. The sub-organization of each post office was followed by a special form called Temporary Postal Service, which was established nationwide between April and June 1898, completing the nationwide postal network

The postal service of the Korean Empire grew steadily from 1895. This growth process can be seen in the continuous increase in post amount at Hansung Post Office. At Hansung Post Office, the total amount of post collection, division, shipment and arrival increased steadily from 21,506 in September 1896, to 30,353 in December 1897, and then to 122,590 as early as December 1898. And by May 1899, the total post amount had risen to 166,960.

In detail, the increase in collection and shipment amount in September 1896 and May 1899 far outpaced that of the increase in distribution and arrival amount. This is due to the special nature of the Hanseong Postal Service, which indicates the increasing number of post shipments to the provinces due to the expansion of the local mail network. The main reason seems to be an increase in the number of official documents, government reports and newspapers.

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Korea, what I’m paying attention to is the relationship between postal system and newspapers. Since the closure of ‘HanseongSunbo’ in 1884 and ‘HansungJoo-bo’ in 1888, Korea had no private newspaper published in Korean until 1895. But right after the Sino-Japanese War, the revival of the press took place under the heading of "independent newspapers," and later in 1898 the "HwangseongShinmun," the "JegukShinmun" and the 1904 "DaehanmilShinbo" were founded.

All newspapers founded after the Sino-Japanese War were circulated through the new postal system. This means that, as we saw earlier, the growth of the postal system during the Korean Empire could have contributed to the delivery of newspapers to extent. And if newspapers were in charge of producing knowledge of the nation before universities and research institutes were established, it is believed that the postal system at this time would have played a role in conveying ideas to different regions, as did the Meiji government's purpose in implementing the postal system in 1871.

If newspapers had taken an important place in the process of shedding the conceptual framework that had been passed down since the late Joseon period and redefining a nation based on global modern capitalist ideology, the postal system that circulated the newspapers would also have had a lot of influence on society, and it is expected to find new meaning in the continuity with the nationalist movement.

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Lee, Joo-Seung [email protected]

5. State Thoery of Johann Caspar Bluntschli and

the Transformation in East Asia

I. Introduction

The state theory of Johann Caspar Bluntschli, a jurist of Switzerland, is introduced in East Asia by Japanese jurist Kato Hiroyuki, and It had an huge influence in East Asia. His major work Allgemeine Staatrecht is translated into Japanese by Kato Hiroyuki, and the concept of ‘Nation’ and ‘Volk’ is settled in the words of ‘民族’ and ‘國民’, so it is played a decisive role in the formation of the concept of nation in the East Asia.

The aim of this work is reconstruction of the transfer process of Bluntschli’s idea in East Asia, especially focused on the case of Japan. I will pay attention to Japanese Scholars represented by Kato Hiroyuki, and try to figure out what intention they have when they had accepted Bluntschli’s theory. Also the concept of ‘Nation’ and ‘Volk’ employed by Bluntschli played significant role in East Asia, so in this work, I try to realize the content of Bluntschli’s state theory and the aspect of Japanese, East Asian appropriation of it.

II. State Theory of Bluntschli

The state theory of Bluntschli based on state organicism. The crucial point of Organicisim is ‘The whole is more than the sum of its parts.’ The organicism of Bluntschli emphasized that the state is autonomous subject and it had its own will. This kind of state organicism antagonized to theory of social contract of Britain and France, It was the theory that emerged as a theory of national sovereignty which gave sovereignty to the nation

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under the historical situation of Germany, which was politically backward in the conflict between monarchial sovereignty and popular sovereignty.

Bluntschli defined the relationship between Nation and Volk in his work

Allgemeine Staatsrecht, based on such an organicism and national sovereignty theory. He understood that the opposition to the traditional distinction between Nation as a political community and Volk as cultural community is rather correct. This was in opposition to the traditional German language as well as the relationship between Nation-People(Peuple) in Britain and France. Bluntschli saw Nation as a community based on language and customs, and it is not an organism in the legal meaning because it is not constructed by legal system. But He saw that Volk, unlike nation, could be a legal organism because it becomes absolutely in the state. He emphasized the interaction between Nation and Volk, and argued that the nature of Nation could be fully developed through the development to Volk, also the Volk is in the upper part of Nation in the composition of the state.

Bluntschli tried to defend the development of a constitutional state from a absolutist state through the suggestion of these concepts. He understood that the state as an organism has the task of moral life for freedom as human beings has and argued that the political system embodying such a moral principle is constitutional monarchy. He insisted on the basis of organicism that the state prevails over both the monarch and the people and emphasized the need for constitutional control for the restraint of monarchical power.

III. Japanese Reception of Bluntschli’s theory

Bluntschili's state theory, especially the concepts of Nation and Volk, had a significant impact on the East Asian world through Japan. Most importantly, the role of Kato Hiroyuki (1836-1916), a renowned Japanese scholar, was crucial. Kato led the translation of the Fourth Edition of

Allgemeine Staatsrecht (1868) since 1872, translated under the name 國法汎論, and the introduction of this book was also used as teaching material for the Emperor Meiji. Kato translated Volk as a "國民" and Nation as a "民種". In the later years "民種" became "民族", and Kato's translation had a decisive effect on the settlement of concepts which Nation became 民族, Nationalism became 民族主義 in East Asian world.

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It is considered necessary to understand Kato Hiroyuki in confirming the background of acceptance of bluntschli’s theory in Japan. Kato introduced Staatslehre of Germany in Japan and served as the first president of the Tokyo University. He greatly influenced the formation of the modern academic system in Japan. From the 1860s to the early 1870s, he published a series of writings such as "Constitutional Constitution(立憲政体略)", "True Justice(真政大意)", and "Theory of Nationalism(国体新論)", and strongly urged the introduction of Western parliamentarism and constitutionalism.

Soon, under the influence of social evolution theory, he denied the early writings and turned into a conservative and nationalist tendency.

For the Japanese scholars including Kato who had a firm goal of establishing a modern state after the Meiji Restoration, the Staatslehre of Germany, represented by Bluntschli, was actively accepted as the basis of practical and practical scholarship represented by jurisprudence. Especially for Kato who was constitutionist in his early year, it seems that the constitutional monarchy theory of Bluntschli based on organicism and national sovereignty theory was sufficiently attractive because it was a case of Germany which has commonality with Japan as latecomer.

But here, as Kato's idea was transformed in the influence of evolutionary theory, the acceptance of Bluntschli in Japan gradually became a form of selective acceptance. Japanese translators, including Kato, have ignored the description of bluntschli that warned the dangers of state power, and the part of principle of thes Nation is missing from the translation altogether.

In the end, the acceptance of Bluntschli in Japan was embraced by the emphasis on the conservative aspect that emphasizes only the sovereignty of the monarch and the state rather than the liberal and constitutional aspect of the bluntschli’s thought in order to secure the legitimacy of the emperor.

IV. Conclusion

In this paper, we examined how the state theory of bluntschli was understood and utilized in Japan. The distinction between ‘Nation’ and ‘Volk’ in the theory of Bluntschli showed a reversed semantical relation with the traditional Western language, and in the course of the acceptance of Blunchili's theory in Japan through Kato Hiroyuki, the translation has been settled as '民族' and '國民' respectively, and it has also had a

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significant impact on the settlement of the concept of Nation in the East Asia.

In addition, Kato Hiroyuki led the introduction of Bluntschli’s theory in Japan by translating Bluntschli's work as an intention to establish Japan's state system. In the course of his ideological turn, the constitutional aspect of Bluntschli's theory is excluded, only conservative aspects to advocate state sovereignty and Japanese emperor were selectively accepted. It can be said that in the modern world, the exchange and transition at the national level was selective acceptance and appropriation based on the recipient’s own perspective, not the one-sided acceptance.

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Jung, Young-Seok [email protected]

6. American Automobile Technology Discourse in Colonial Era

Korean Newspapers: as discussed in the 1920s and 30s in the

Dong-A Ilbo

and the

Busan Ilbo

Introduction:

After the 19th century, new technologies developed in the West began to spread to the East Asian world in earnest. Japan was the most successful East Asian nation to embrace Western civilization. Joseon was not very successful initially in internalizing Western culture, but Joseon people's interest in such culture grew rapidly. Especially after Japan forcibly annexed Joseon, Western technologies continued to be brought in, and among them, automobiles first introduced in the Korean Peninsula in the early 20th century quickly became one of the representative Western technological imports.

Car technology, which started in Europe, quickly spread around the world. In the U.S. in particular, technology related to automobiles led to innovation in cars. The United States was a place where there was demand for cars that surpassed Europe, and there were capital and technology to meet that demand. Cars, especially those made in the United States, spread rapidly around the world as Ford came up with Ford's mass-producing system of T-models. In the 1910s, Cadillac produced an all-in-one car with windows and roofs, and the U.S. became a key player in automobile production and development for a long time. And this was the same in the Korean Peninsula.

The first Korean car owner was King Gojong, but he was not the first car user on the Korean Peninsula. Since the 1910s, car usage slowly increased on the Korean Peninsula. In the 1920s, automobiles were used in earnest,

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largely due to the need for the Japanese Empire's continued colonial management. With the increase of cars, related industries, such as maintenance, sales, and transportation, also increased rapidly. Along with these emerging industries, the public in colonial Korea also became increasingly interested in the subject.

Colonial Era Korean Newspapers:

Newspapers were the most influential media for the public at the time. Car-related articles in the newspaper are of significance in that they provide clues as to how people at the time encountered a new culture of cars. Therefore, in order to find out how information on the subject of the latest technology and expensive vehicle was being disseminated, I chose to focus on two representative newspapers at the time, the Dong-A Ilbo,

which many colonial Koreans read between the 1920s and 1940s, and the

Busan Ilbo, which the Japanese mostly read.

Although Koreans and Japanese have been living together in colonial Korea since 1910, the two had many economic and cultural differences, along with large difference in the population size. They also had different newspapers. Therefore, the difference between the ethnic groups appears to some extent in the newspapers, and I think capturing this part can give a more detailed look at the reaction of colonial Koreans to the subject of cars.

And among the newspaper articles, this study focused on the U.S. and American automobile-related articles because the U.S. was the largest automobile industry at the time. The United States was the most advanced country in the automobile industry in the 1920s, and was ahead of the rest of the world in the number of cars. By 1924, there were an estimated 30 million cars in the world, and of which about 24 million in the United States. Also, since most of the cars sold in colonial Korea were American cars like Ford and GM, the U.S. was the most closely related Western power in colonial Korea. Therefore, the two newspapers wanted to focus on the areas related to the United States and automobiles. The areas not covered in this study are to be supplemented in further studies.

American Automobile Technology Discourse in Dong-A Ilbo and Busan Ilbo: Between 1920 and 1940, the Dong-A Ilbo reported a total of more than 829 articles related to the U.S. and automobiles, and more than 19,580

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articles related to automobiles in general. This may be indicative of the

Dong-A Ilbo's reporters’ and subscribers' interest in cars. Car-related articles appeared in various fields, including columns on new technology and cars, but also in sections novels, travels, culture and law. During this period, the Dong-A Ilbo reported on the number of automobile accidents and deaths in the U.S. the number of cars in the U.S. the economic boom and the U.S. auto industry, the rearmament of the United States (military use), Henry Ford, and new technologies related to automobiles.

These newspaper articles appear to have been written with links to the situation of colonial Korea and the world. All in all, the Dong-A Ilbo article on American automobiles was written in conjunction with the demands of newspapers and readers, the times and the situation of colonial Joseon, and the content of the article changed with the changes of the times. For example, the article on military use of automobiles changed from introducing use cases in Europe and other foreign countries (war or rebellion) in the early 20s to introducing detailed equipment retention status and war preparation in major countries in the late 20s. After the 30s, articles on U.S. military exercises, arms buildup and the introduction of the latest equipment were introduced, while articles on World War II and U.S. trends were written in the late 30s. This shows changes in newspaper articles according to changes in times and circumstances.

Articles in the Busan Ilbo show some difference from the Dong-A Ilbo. Unlike Dong-A Ilbo, many of the articles in the Busan Ilbo do not advertise or promote American automakers, such as Ford and Chevrolet. From 1914 to 1944, there were about 2,569 articles on automobiles in the Busan Daily, and as with the Dong-A Ilbo, it indicates a high interest in cars. However, the Busan Ilbo did not use as much newspaper space as the Dong-A Ilbo

did on the subject of American automobile makers.

The areas of common interest between the Dong-A Ilbo and the Busan Ilbo were related to the increasing/decreasing number of cars in the United States and the U.S. automaker's project to advance into China. The Busan Ilbo, on the other hand, appears to have focused more on the subject of car-related phenomena and culture in the Japanese Empire and colonial Joseon, which were not covered here, rather than on the articles about U.S. automobiles. However, although the number is smaller than that of the

Dong-A Ilbo, the related article was written in the Busan Ilbo. The most interesting article is that Japanese-made cars, which were published on

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page 2, July 12, 1935, made their way to the United States. If you look at this article in the Dong-A Ilbo, which was concerned about the aftermath of the Japanese empire's control of the automobile manufacturing industry on August 12, 1935, you can see that the Japanese empire was trying to reduce the influence of the U.S. auto industry, and was pushing Japanese-made cars into the U.S. This shows the change in relations between the then Japanese Empire and the U.S. auto industry. It also shows the difference in areas of interest between the Dong-A Ilbo and the Busan Ilbo.

Put together, both the Dong-A Ilbo and the Busan Ilbo published many articles on the subject of cars. The Dong-A Ilbo has written more articles about the United States and automobiles than the Busan Ilbo, and has written articles on various topics related to automobiles. The Busan Ilbo,

on the other hand, clearly showed that they had a lot of direct advertisements or introductions for automobiles products. For instance, there were many articles promoting technology in relation to Ford and Chevrolet, which I think is related to the fact that most of the people who ran car dealerships at the time were Japanese.

This shows the difference between the two newspapers' readers' environments and their interests. The Dong-A Ilbo, which was mostly read by Koreans, focused on the rapidly growing reality of cars. their main subject of discussion were about cars themselves, how we should use cars, and the biggest problem of car usage, which was car accidents.

The Busan Ilbo was mainly subscribed by Japanese. The fact that there were many readers with the economic power to buy cars directly affected the writing of the newspaper, which included many of the aforementioned car advertising articles. In the case of the Dong-A Ilbo, if there were any noticeable changes in the U.S. and its cars in the 1940s, the Busan Ilbo did not make as much changes as the Dong-A Ilbo did. But this is a subject that needs to be addressed more.

Conclusion:

In the study, newspapers that used to be viewed mostly by Koreans and Japanese, the Dong-A Ilbo and the Busan Ilbo, respectively, and their articles related to the U.S. and automobiles were analyzed. In conclusion, I could see that the articles varied with the changes of the times as well as that the interests of the Dong-A Ilbo and the Busan Ilbo were different,

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apparently due to the difference between the major readers of the two newspapers.

The remaining tasks are as follows: First, I did not check all the newspapers of the colonial Joseon published between 1920 and 1940, and secondly because I focused on articles related to the U.S. and automobiles, I did not check articles about countries other than the U.S. or about the cars of the Japanese Empire.

Third, the problem is that the author lacks ability to interpret Japanese newspapers. Fourth, I need to check out more newspaper articles that clearly showed the public's reaction during the colonial period. Therefore, further research seeks to address these challenges so that they can be made clearer.