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3. Experiments

3.4 Conclusion

be instituted in any follow-up studies.

Kennedy 2000) support the view that novel similes and novel metaphors are processed in essentially the same way, supporting the view from Concep- tual Metaphor Theory that both forms represent linguistic instantiations of cross-domain mappings. The most relevant evidence, however, comes from the experiments reported here: Experiments 1 and 3 make use of grammati- cal similes as stimuli, while Experiment 2 uses grammatical metaphors. All three experiments, however, point towards the same relationship between processing for the stimuli, and the metaphorical schemata upon which they are based.

As discussed in Sanford 2012, the factors bearing on the productivity of metaphors are many, including both cognitive (e.g., the embodiment of met- aphors, as described by Lakoff & Johnson 1980, whereby metaphors often draw on the physical experience of inhabiting a body) and stylistic (e.g., novelty and cleverness) constraints. Frequency is one among these. The usage statistics reported here are therefore inherently limited in explaining real creative novel metaphors.

In several cases, results for specific pairs of domains point to cases in which the metaphors used in the study were not stated at a level of schema- ticity that accurately captures the productive range of the metaphor (a criti- cism elaborated in Clausner & Croft 1997), leading to stimuli that are ques- tionable in their relation to an overarching schema. In Experiment 2, for example, results relating to the source domain HOPE run contrary to both the corpus study, and the other two experiments- apparently, because utter- ances such as ‘my hope is the sun,’ predicated directly on HOPE IS LIGHT, run contrary to a metaphor that might be more accurately described as pro- filing light sources as things that nourish hope. PEOPLE ARE BATTERIES might be more accurately phrased PEOPLE RUN ON BATTERIES, lead- ing to issues with the aptness of a stimulus such ‘kids are AAA batteries.’

Metaphors were drawn from the Master Metaphor List (Lakoff, Espenson,

& Schwartz 1991) for reasons elaborated in §4.1 (in short, if the metaphors on which the experiments in based are in error, they at least aren’t flawed in a way that reflects researcher bias). The issue underscores the need for all posited metaphors to be evaluated closely against corpus usage; that the experiments found an effect despite such issues points towards a significant effect outweighing issues relating to specific groups of stimuli.

These results are interpreted as providing strong support for the view of metaphor outlined here and in Sanford 2012. Speakers’ repeated exposure to utterances predicated on a particular cross-domain mapping license the for- mation of a metaphorical representation—a conventionalized link between two domains, corresponding to ‘X IS Y’ Lakovian conceptual metaphors.

For language users in the act of engaging in figurative speech, previous exposure to metaphorical systems has a direct, measurable effect on the way in which they use and process metaphorically predicated utterances.

The corpus study reported here indicates that metaphors vary widely from one another in their frequency of use. This variation is not surprising of itself (although the extent of this variation is something that I, at least, have found startling), but the implications of this variation for our understand- ing of metaphor are both diverse— relating not only to the processing of metaphorical utterances, but also to changes in metaphorical systems over time as usage affects the structure of the system itself in ways that have been well-attested at other levels of linguistic structure— and largely unex- plored. In accounting for both the ways in which individual speakers use metaphor and the distribution of metaphor in discourse, this study points towards deeper insight to be gained from enriching our current understand- ing of metaphor with a greater awareness of the effect of speakers’ previous exposure to metaphor on the processing of metaphorical utterances, and the ways in which this bears, cumulatively, on the emergence and diachronic development of metaphorical systems in human conceptual systems.

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Appendix: Frequency Tables

COMPETITION IS…

WAR RACING

source term (x) ‘Like … x’ similes that

instantiate target metaphor source term (x)

‘Like … x’ similes that instantiate target

metaphor

soldier 4 NASCAR 6

gun 16 race track 3

bomb 13 Indy 500 3

army 43 race car 3

general 24 racer 1

tank 11 checkered flag 1

TOTAL 111 19

HOPE IS…

LIGHT A CHILD

source term (x) ‘Like … x’ similes that

instantiate target metaphor source term (x)

‘Like … x’ similes that instantiate target

metaphor

sun 3 baby 0

bulb 5 kid 0

lamp 2 parent 0

day 2 school 0

illumination 0 toy 0

ray 4 Playground 0

TOTAL 16 0

IDEAS ARE…

FOOD WRITING

source term (x) ‘Like … x’ similes that

instantiate target metaphor source term (x)

‘Like … x’ similes that instantiate target

metaphor

meat 7 pen 0

restaurant 4 paper 3

dinner 11 pencil 0

bread 12 book 22

chef 5 letter 0

breakfast 2 author 1

42 26

PEOPLE ARE…

PLANTS BATTERIES

source term (x) ‘Like … x’ similes that

instantiate target metaphor source term (x)

‘Like … x’ similes that instantiate target

metaphor

flower 68 Duracell 3

tree 140 electricity 7

garden 8 charge 0

roots 10 energy 16

leaves 17 power 1

soil 1 Energizer 0

TOTAL 244 27

THE MIND IS…

A MACHINE A BODY

source term (x) ‘Like … x’ similes that

instantiate target metaphor source term (x)

‘Like … x’ similes that instantiate target

metaphor

computer 22 blood 1

engine 2 bones 1

cog 0 legs 0

car 12 arm 0

gear 1 muscles 3

robot 1 stomach 1

TOTAL 38 6

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