1 Report for

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Daily Report for Wednesday, April 5, 2017

1 Report for

Wednesday, April 5, 2017 Farvardin 16, 1396

* Highlights, Page 2

* News Briefs, Page 3

* People’s trustees selected. Page 3

* Rezaei reacts. Page 4

* Still no official candidates. Page 4

* The evolving mission of the axis of resistance. Page 5

* Why Iran-Iraq War is still a minefield. Page 9

* Strong earthquake hits Khorasan Razavi Province. Page 13

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2 Highlights

 For nearly forty years, the Axis of Resistance has endured despite numerous challenges and external 'shocks', reflecting the core orientation of the Islamic Republic and its partners Syria and Hezbollah with respect to hostility to Western hegemony, antagonism toward Israel, and antipathy toward the conservative, pro-West status quo in the Arab World and the Middle East.

(See Page 5)

 Some 30 years on, depictions of the Iran-Iraq War are still a minefield for Iranian artists and authors. (See Page 8)

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3 Briefs

* Farsi-language conservative website Aftab News says that Hojjatoleslam Seyyed Ibrahim will announce his candidacy in the near future.

* Farsi-language reformist newspaper Etemad writes that ‘an informed source’ says that Seyyed Ebrahim Raisi, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Parviz Fattah, Mehrdad Bazrpash and Ezzatollah Zarghami are the final choices for presidential candidate(s) from the conservative principalists’

camp.

* Farsi-language reformist newspaper Etemad writes there are unconfirmed rumors that Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi has called on his supporters, including his party Front of Islamic Revolution Stability to make efforts to make Hojjatoleslam Seyyed Ibrahim Raisi to become presidential candidate. There are also rumors that Tehran Mayor Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf is favorably inclined towards Raisi’s candidacy.

* Farsi-language conservative news website Jahan News writes that Saeed Jalili has reportedly sent a message to Tehran Mayor Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf in which he has denied a comment attributed to him. Jalili was denying that he has said that if Ghalibaf registers as a presidential candidate, then Jalili would also register as presidential candidate in order to compete with Ghalibaf.

* Farsi-language reformist newspaper Etemad writes that Mohsen Rezaei has said that if he were to become president, his government would increase cash subsidy to 700,000 rials plus an additional 6,000,000 rials will be deposited in their bank accounts.

He has said that the amounts will increase each year.

People’s trustees selected

Farsi-language state-owned newspaper Iran reports that seven members acting as “people’s trustees” in central executive committee for presidential election have been selected. They will be members of this committee alongside Interior Minister Alireza Rahman Fazli, Attorney General Mohammad Jafar Montazeri, Intelligence Minister Mahmoud Alavi and a representative from Majlis Presiding Board.

The whole electoral process will be under the election supervisory board. The Guardian Council selects the members of this committee. The executive committee cannot make any decision that could contradict the Guardian Council’s supervisory committee. The Guardian Council has the authority to make the determination whether executive committee’s decision(s) contradict those of supervisory committee. People’s trustees members of the executive committee are:

1. Kazem Mirvaled. Member of Board of Directors of Pasargad Bank, former deputy interior minister for political affairs, former head of Court of Audit, former Ilam governor, former MP.

2. Ali Asghar Ahmadi. Deputy Interior Minister for Political Affairs, former secretary general of Red Crescent Society, former Golestan governor, former secretary of Headquarters of Fighting Smuggling of Goods and Currency

3. Hamid Mirzadeh. Dean of Azad [Open] University, former prime minister, former vice president and former head of Management and Planning Organization.

4. Mohsen Haji Mirzaei. Government secretary, former head of National Productivity Center, former deputy for studies at presidential office, former advisor to education minister.

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5. Mohammad Ali Shahidi Mahallati. Vice President and Head of Martyrs and Veterans Foundation [Bonyad Shahid].

representative of Supreme Leader to Bonyad Shahid.

6. Husseinali Amiri. Vice President for Parliamentary Affairs, former vice interior minister and spokesperson of Interior Ministry.

7. Ghulamreza Tajgardoon. MP and Chairman of parliamentary Committee for Planning and Budget.

Rezaei reacts

Farsi-language BBC Persian news website writes that Secretary of Iran’s Expediency Council Mohsen Rezaei has warned that the United States will regret if it takes any military action against the Iran or its interests in the region. His comments came after Army Gen. Joseph Votel, the top U.S. military commander in the Middle East, said on March 29 that the United States should hold Iran accountable for its subversive activities in the region.

“Mr. Votel, the U.S. Central Command commander, has repeated anti-Iran allegations and called for military action to stop our countries’ actions,” Rezaei wrote on his Instagram account. “You should know that Iran is not Iraq or Afghanistan.

You will regret any adventurism,” he warned. He further cautioned the Trump administration not to forget “Mr. [George W.] Bush’s experience of waging wars.”

Rezaei also accused U.S. allies of fomenting instability in the region.

Rezaei is a prominent political and military figure in Iran. He commanded the IRGC for almost two decades. His strong anti-U.S. views play well with Iran’s civilian and military hardliners.

Still no official candidates

Farsi-language reformist newspaper Etemad writes that even though about one month is left to the presidential election, it is still not clear exactly who will be the presidential candidates. This, it writes, is a sign of serious issues in Iran’s politics.

If it is still not clear who are the presidential candidates two months before any presidential election, then it shows that the political parties in that country are in disarray, and consequently it would be difficult to make an informed selection at the time of election.

Apparently, the reformists want to support President Rouhani’s candidacy. Still, the reformists are still divided over their strategy. Some reformists believe that they should assure Rouhani that they support his candidacy unambiguously. Yet there are some reformists who believe that unconditional support of Rouhani would not be wise and that the reformists should field their own presidential candidate who would speak on behalf of the reformists.

Etemad writes that conservative principalists are more divided. At least three factions are totally against moderate conservative Rouhani and his government.

[Another principalist faction belonging to Ali Larijani has been supportive of Rouhani.] Nevertheless, the divisions among conservative principalists are severe.

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5 The evolving mission of the axis of resistance

 For nearly forty years, the Axis of Resistance has endured despite numerous

challenges and external 'shocks', reflecting the core orientation of the Islamic Republic and its partners Syria and Hezbollah with respect to hostility to Western hegemony, antagonism toward Israel, and antipathy toward the conservative, pro-West status quo in the Arab World and the Middle East.

 Without a doubt, the on-going conflict in Syria represents one of the greatest

challenges confronting the Axis of Resistance, causing the defection of Hamas and the erosion of Syrian power at an inopportune time when Iran was subjected to

comprehensive international sanctions.

 This partnership, reflected in the sale of S-300 missile defense system to Iran and the installation of S-300 and S-400 in Syria, which was able to shoot down an intruding Israeli jet recently, has added real muscle to the Axis of Resistance, bolstering its military and deterrent capability.

 In light of the above-said, the Syrian war has shifted the geopolitical tectonics in the Middle East and, in turn, raised new questions, opportunities, risks and challenges, for the Axis of Resistance, its purpose and mission in particular.

 One of the significant ramifications of the Axis's strategic partnership with Russia is that Russia inevitably weighs heavy on the future decisions of the Axis, which might not be easy to deal with since Russia is primarily concerned about the NATO threat and its Middle East policies are sub-sets of its global policies.

 Over the past six years, a good deal of the Axis's energy has been expended on fighting terrorism and extremism, which is a common regional good bolstering the image and prestige of the Axis of Resistance, which has yet to take sufficient credit for its noble efforts.

 Nurtured by the heroism, blood and honor of a whole generation of people across the Middle East, the new Axis of Resistance is bound to become the fulcrum of a brave new Middle East, one that is no longer hostage to the scourge of war but bound to the winds of historical progress.

IRDiplomacy news website. Kaveh L. Afrasiabi: For nearly forty years, the Axis of Resistance has endured despite numerous challenges and external ‘shocks’, reflecting the core orientation of the Islamic Republic and its partners – Syria and Hezbollah –

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with respect to hostility to Western hegemony, antagonism toward Israel, and antipathy toward the conservative, pro-West status quo in the Arab World and the Middle East.

Against the backdrop of the Iran-Iraq War and the upheavals in Lebanon in the early 1980s, this regional alliance was formed around shared interests, ideological affinity, and steadfast determination to re-shape the Middle East and to withstand the variegated reactionary pressures aimed at the weakening and or unravelling of the Axis of Resistance.

The Axis was bolstered by a military pact between Tehran and Damascus in 2006, as well as by the decision of Palestinian Hamas to bandwagon with it, given the benefits that it derived from it in terms of moral and material assistance.

Without a doubt, the on-going conflict in Syria represents one of the greatest challenges confronting the Axis of Resistance, causing the defection of Hamas and the erosion of Syrian power at an inopportune time when Iran was subjected to comprehensive international sanctions. The cycle of violence that gripped Syria as of Spring 2011 escalated to a new spiral in 2014 after the sudden takeover of Mosul by Daesh/ISIS terrorists, backed by foreign powers, which soon extended to a vast swath of territory in both Iraq and Syria.

By then, Syria was already fragmented and the armed rebels were hoping to turn their control of parts of Aleppo into a second capital, thus making Syria’s partition into a fait accompli, this while the Syrian Kurdish forces were fighting their own battles against the mostly foreign fighters alongside the Turkish border. Convinced that it was only a matter of time before Damascus fell as well, the Saudi and Turkish officials repeatedly told Iran to give up its support for the Syrian government as it was both hopeless and useless, per recent statements by some Iranian former officials.

But, history proved them wrong and today we witness Turkey’s near open admission of its errors, which have proved rather costly to the country. For nearly two years now, the Syrian army, backed by Russia, Iran, Hezbollah, and a large group of volunteers from Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and elsewhere, has been on the offensive, regaining territory after territory, tipping the balance of forces in its favor, to the point that nowadays the representatives of rebels in Geneva readily admit that they have little leverage to bargain with Damascus. Turkey too, which has been lectured by visiting American diplomats about the Syrian people deciding the fate of their own country,

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has just ended its military operation along the Euphrates, declaring it to be a success, although it is not exactly clear what this 9-month operation has actually achieved.

Thus, although the conflict in Syria is far from over, it has reached the tipping point against the armed rebels and the assortment of terrorists operating in Syria over the past six years and it is simply a matter of time before Raqqa is liberated from the barbaric hands of ISIS terrorists, following the liberation of Mosul.

On the other hand, the departure of Barack Obama, who never really prioritized the fight against ISIS, is also a welcome development and as the Iraqi Prime Minister visiting the White House recently confirmed, there are signs that the new US administration is more determined to defeat ISIS than its predecessor. Still, there are disquieting signs of an incoherent US approach that may result in contradictory actions and even “creeping interventionism” in Syria. The US’s hands are somewhat tied however, and it seems unlikely that Washington would commit major resources into Syria, given the absence of vital US national interests at stake in Syria.

Meanwhile, the Axis of Resistance, which was badly battered in the initial phases of the Syrian conflict, has recuperated and even strengthened as a result of several inter- related factors:

1. Closer strategic partnership with Russia, a colossal military power. This partnership, reflected in the sale of S-300 missile defense system to Iran and the installation of S-300 and S-400 in Syria, which was able to shoot down an intruding Israeli jet recently, has added real muscle to the Axis of Resistance, bolstering its military and deterrent capability.

2. Expansion of the composition of the Axis via the war mobilization of thousands of volunteers from Iraq and elsewhere.

3. The post-nuclear accord thaw in Iran’s relations with Europe, and to a much lesser degree US, which has acted as a catalyst for Iran’s inclusion in the Syria peace process and, on a broader level, conflict-management in the region.

4. The hard-earned battle experience and coordination of military wings of the Axis of Resistance and the signs of its attraction by a number of other regional powers such as Egypt.

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Of course, in addition to the above, an objective assessment of the Axis of Resistance must also include the exorbitant costs of war, the human toll and physical destruction, the war fatigue, etc. But, although important, these pale in comparison with the long- term gains mentioned above, which may also include Hezbollah’s ability to procure previously unavailable surface-to-surface missiles from the Syrian inventory, and the like, thus strengthening the Axis’s hands vis-a-vis Israel, which continues to occupy the Syrian territory and threaten its Arab neighbours. Already, Hezbollah has benefited from the peaceful change of government in Lebanon, now ruled by an inclusive coalition, thanks in part to the smart diplomacy of Axis of Resistance.

In light of the above-said, the Syrian war has shifted the geopolitical tectonics in the Middle East and, in turn, raised new questions, opportunities, risks and challenges, for the Axis of Resistance, its purpose and mission in particular. One of the significant ramifications of the Axis’s strategic partnership with Russia is that Russia inevitably weighs heavy on the future decisions of the Axis, which might not be easy to deal with since Russia is primarily concerned about the NATO threat and its Middle East policies are sub-sets of its global policies. Whether or not this will constrain the Axis of Resistance in the future depends on a myriad factors including the future of Russia- NATO relations, the evolution of inter-state relations in the Persian Gulf and beyond.

But, what is clear, however, is that the Axis of Resistance can enjoy greater future stability and viability by following the prescriptions of “smart diplomacy” and making the necessary adjustments in tune with the evolving context of its existence. Over the past six years, a good deal of the Axis’s energy has been expended on fighting terrorism and extremism, which is a common regional good bolstering the image and prestige of the Axis of Resistance, which has yet to take sufficient credit for its noble efforts. Consequently, counter-terrorism has now become chief identity marks of the Axis of Resistance, which will likely ramify a sustained stability role in the future.

This new development to some extent transforms the very nature, purpose, and mission of Axis of Resistance, which must telescope itself to region-wide cooperative security. Like the Owl of Minerva, rising from the ashes of the Syrian conflict, a new Axis of Resistance is emerging before our eyes that will be ever more organically in tune with the rules and principles of international law, good neighborly relations, respect for the sovereignty of nations, and a firm commitment to its norms of justice and solidarity with the oppressed Palestinians and others. Nurtured by the heroism, blood and honor of a whole generation of people across the Middle East, the new Axis of Resistance is bound to become the fulcrum of a brave new Middle East, one that is no longer hostage to the scourge of war but bound to the winds of historical progress.

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9 Why Iran-Iraq War is still a minefield

 Up to 1 million people are estimated to have lost their lives in the conflict, which has come to be known in Iran as the "Imposed War" or the "Holy Defense." Thirty years on, the depiction of the Iran-Iraq War in Iranian literature and cinema remains a highly sensitive topic that is full of challenges.

 After the outbreak of the war, various individuals, many of whom had experienced the front lines, started to publish pieces about the conflict in reports, memoirs, stories, documentaries and films.

 Iranian writer and literary critic Mohammad Hassan Shahsavari has described "Burnt Land" written by Ahmad Mahmoud as the first and most successful piece of literature about the Iran-Iraq War.

 In an interview, Shahsavari told Al-Monitor, "After Mahmoud, authors and those who had a religious inclination started writing stories about the Holy War, [Iranian novelist and translator] Esmail Fasih, who was not a religious or revolutionary figure, also wrote 'The Winter of 62,' an important novel that was published in 1986.

 Sometimes in war literature, which should naturally lead to a literature of resistance, one sees individuals who are intentionally promoting anti-war literature.

 The film critic told Al-Monitor, "In Iran, we don't have a war cinema; we have a Holy Defense genre.

 There are also representations of topics such as homosexuality, drug abuse, fear of death or escaping the war while serving on the front lines issues that are viewed as red lines for artistic works dealing with the "Holy Defense" and in most cases lead authorities to demand alterations or to outright ban such works.

 Shahsavari said the most enduring art and literary works about the war have been those created by independent artists who nonetheless sympathize with the ideology of the Holy Defense.

 Shahsavari said, "Individuals who have a religious disposition and have gone to the front lines but want to question the one-dimensional image of the war are accused of being anti-war and thus get no support.

Al-Monitor news website: The second longest war in the 20th century began on September 22, 1980, when forces led by former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein

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invaded Iran. The conflict ended eight years later, in 1988, with the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 598, which called for a cease-fire. Iran’s then Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini famously described approval of the decision as

“more deadly than taking poison,” adding, “I submitted myself to God’s will and drank this drink for his satisfaction.”

Up to 1 million people are estimated to have lost their lives in the conflict, which has come to be known in Iran as the “Imposed War” or the “Holy Defense.” The Iranian state has used this terminology to describe the conflict and its cultural, social, political and economic impact on Iranian society ever since the war began. The term “Holy Defense” has even turned into a genre in Iranian cinema and literature.

Holy Defense productions are often accompanied by an ideological, religious and propaganda angle aimed at forging heroes and portraying the war as sacred. This is while some independent artists have depicted the conflict as an unpleasant and destructive phenomenon on the front lines, cities and society as a whole. However, these works, some of which became the most lasting works of art in Iran, were unsuccessful in winning the support of the establishment when trying to obtain the necessary permits or at the production and distribution stage.

Thirty years on, the depiction of the Iran-Iraq War in Iranian literature and cinema remains a highly sensitive topic that is full of challenges. Last month, in a meeting with officials responsible for Rahian-e Noor, or Path of Light — tours of the war-era battlefields — Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei highlighted the need for keeping “the values of the Holy Defense” alive, saying, “Those who produce anti-war poems or films are like individuals who extract a country’s oil and pour it into the sea.”

The Iran-Iraq War began some 19 months after the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran.

At the time, some figures close to the revolutionary movement became involved in the field of arts under the Islamic Propagation Organization. After the outbreak of the war, various individuals, many of whom had experienced the front lines, started to publish pieces about the conflict in reports, memoirs, stories, documentaries and films.

These were usually one-dimensional pieces that endorsed a sacred view of the war and its heroes, with the intention of inspiring the soldiers on the front lines and encouraging youths to sign up to fight. Meanwhile, independent literary and art figures who had often visited war-stricken regions tried to depict the other dimension of war in their works.

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Iranian writer and literary critic Mohammad Hassan Shahsavari has described “Burnt Land” written by Ahmad Mahmoud as the first and most successful piece of literature about the Iran-Iraq War. In an interview, Shahsavari told Al-Monitor, “After Mahmoud, authors and those who had a religious inclination started writing stories about the Holy War, [Iranian novelist and translator] Esmail Fasih, who was not a religious or revolutionary figure, also wrote ‘The Winter of 62,’ an important novel that was published in 1986. Although both Mahmoud and Fasih questioned the Islamic Republic’s conduct of the war, they never questioned the soldiers or the issue of defense.” Shahsavari added, “Religious writers were not fans of the war either. In fact, neither of these two movements … had militarist [type] literature of the Hitler era or that of those who supported the war.”

“Burnt Land” is based on Mahmoud’s personal experience in war-stricken regions. It deals with the first three months of the conflict, including the attacks by Iraq, the bombardment of cities, the deaths, the formation of resistance groups, the shortage of arms and ammunition, people crowding at train stations and roads to escape the war- torn cities and much more.

When Mahmoud’s novel was published, intellectuals accused it of having a warmongering tone while authorities charged it with being opposed to the war. “Burnt Land” was published twice in 1982, each time with 33,000 copies, before being placed under a ban that continued until the end of the war.

In a meeting with a group of writers in 1998, Khamenei specifically criticized Mahmoud’s book, saying, “Anti-war literature found its way in our own country through unfit people. Why should it be like this? Sometimes in war literature, which should naturally lead to a literature of resistance, one sees individuals who are intentionally promoting anti-war literature. Like the book ‘Burnt Land.’”

Iranian cinema adopted a similar approach toward the eight-year conflict, with all films essentially focusing on the common goal of creating heroes. An Iranian film critic who asked not to be named said that though this approach was successful in motivating viewers to join the front lines, it was not considered warmongering. The film critic told Al-Monitor, “In Iran, we don’t have a war cinema; we have a Holy Defense genre. This Holy Defense is inherently anti-war because we were a nation that was attacked. Even the most vulgar films in this genre, those which have an industrial and commercial view, have an anti-war nature about them. But this is not

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the same as what is considered anti-war in human rights. This [being anti-war] is defined in the context of the Holy Defense.”

One of the most prominent works of the wartime cinema is “Bashu, the Little Stranger” by Iranian director Bahram Beizai. The film was produced in 1986, but was banned from theaters for five years due to its critical view of the war. In the film, Beizai tells the story of a young boy named Bashu from southern Iran who loses his home and family in the war and later seeks refuge in Iran’s northern cities. The film critic who spoke to Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity said, “Even an open- minded director like Beizai creates heroes out of his characters when he portrays the ruins of war. He illustrates this in the context of defense and resistance and not in a context of war.”

Ever since the late 1990s, when Reformists came to power, Iran’s cinema and literature has adopted a different approach toward war-related topics. These days, there are films and books where the main character is, for instance, forced to go to war because it coincides with his compulsory military service. There are also representations of topics such as homosexuality, drug abuse, fear of death or escaping the war while serving on the front lines — issues that are viewed as red lines for artistic works dealing with the “Holy Defense” and in most cases lead authorities to demand alterations or to outright ban such works.

Shahsavari said the most enduring art and literary works about the war have been those created by independent artists who nonetheless sympathize with the ideology of the Holy Defense. These figures are also those who have perhaps come under most fire. Shahsavari said, “Individuals who have a religious disposition and have gone to the front lines but want to question the one-dimensional image of the war are accused of being anti-war and thus get no support. These individuals have suffered the worst blow from the restrictions that are placed on the illustration and narrations of the Iran- Iraq War.”

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1 3 Strong earthquake hits

Khorasan Razavi Province

State-owned Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA): A strong earthquake measuring 6.1 on Richter scale hit central and eastern parts of Khorasan Razavi province at 10:40 local time this morning (06:10 GMT).

The epicenter of the quake was at a depth of 10 kilometers below the surface at Sefidsang region near the town of Fariman, 100 kilometers south of the provincial capital city of Mashad.

The earthquake was clearly felt in Mashad and caused disruptions in the telephone network of the city.

Iran’s Institute of Geophysics at Tehran University put the geographical location of the quake at the latitude of 60.23 degrees and the longitude of 35.83.

Two aftershocks measuring 4 and 4.7 also hit the area following the main quake, said Tehran University Institute of Geophysics.