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Academic year: 2023



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As previously explained, the political roots of the government in North Korea are Stalinist communism. The North Korean military is quantitatively superior to that of the South in every respect. This capability is key in evaluating the two armies on the Korean Peninsula.

Graph One
Graph One



  • Introduction
  • Bilateralism: US-DPRK Relations
  • Coming to Terms with North Korean Ballistic Missile Program
  • Ending the North Korean Nuclear Weapons Program by Reinvigorating the KEDO Process
  • Policy Implications

Second, I analyze the North Korea policy of the Bush administration to develop the case for enhanced bi- and multilateral security cooperation. In short, the first phase of the Bush administration's North Korea policy was marked by divergent views within the administration and the failed US-ROK summit meeting. First, my analysis of the Bush administration's approach to North Korea suggests that the transition from the Clinton to the Bush admin-.



The world community's response to September 11 was largely supportive of the U.S. counterterrorism campaign. Without Pakistan's cooperation, the course of the war in Afghanistan would likely have been much more costly to the United States. Many of these changes will have to be initiated by the coalition leader, the United States.



Post-Cold War North Korean diplomacy is the best example of a minor power changing world politics. In addition, North Korea has managed to extract huge economic benefits from the great powers and South Korea. North Korea's first goal is to establish a balance of power on the Korean peninsula, i.e. establishing diplomatic relations with the United States.

18 To-hai Liou, "North Korea-Japanese Relations in the Post-Cold War Era," Asian Studies (Hong Kong), No. As a result, South Korea is vulnerable to North Korea's attack and is a hostage to Pyongyang's fringes and efforts to get the U.S. First, North Korea's geostrategic importance encourages the major powers to involve themselves in Korean affairs.

In the post-Cold War era, China continues to regard North Korea as its natural shield for Manchuria, while the US Pyongyang apologized to show Washington that North Korea was conciliatory in contrast to South Korea's intransigence.



However, the nuclear crisis of 1993 finally forced the US to tackle the issue of North Korea directly. The policy review clarified U.S. policy toward North Korea, which had been ambiguous and uncertain in the past. But so far the IAEA and North Korea have a different interpretation of the timing of the access.

Thus, as long as North Korea maintains its political system, the US cannot maintain good relations with the country. Politically, South Korea's opposition party still maintains a critical and suspicious stance towards the current government's policy towards North Korea. They reached agreement on inspections of Kumchang-ri facilities and a moratorium on North Korea's planned missile test in late summer 1999.

The summit held between Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-il in June and the US-DPRK Joint Washington Communiqué issued on October 12, 2000, both imply a fundamental shift in North Korea's position by accommodating some North American , South Korean and Japanese. The politics of Korea. Japan will probably provide at least this amount of economic aid to North Korea ($10-13 billion). Because of this change in the international environment and the continued negative sentiment among the Japanese toward North Korean misdeeds.

30 These positions were commonly found in North Korea Central News Agency reports regarding the missile negotiations between Washington and Pyongyang.



The policies of the US, China and other major neighbors towards North Korea also affected their relations. The volume of South-North trade increased steadily in the 1990s – even as North Korea's nuclear development program raised military tensions on the Korean Peninsula. After the South-North Summit in June 2000, South and North Korea agreed to reconnect the inter-Korean Seoul-Shinuiju Railway, which runs from Munsan in the south to Kaesong in the north.

However, few incentives exist to expand investment due to excessive transaction costs and restrictions placed on inter-Korean economic exchanges by North Korea's unique system. However, its impact on the North Korean economy through foreign exchange flows and humanitarian aid has been positive. North Korea can try to solve the food shortage problem in part through South-North economic cooperation by expanding economic cooperation with the South in some selected sectors.

To open a new chapter of inter-Korean economic relations in the future, there are some prerequisites: change in North Korea's economic policy, which has recently been visualized to some extent, the North's recovery from economic problems, the North's improved relations with neighboring countries, and South Korea's favorable role as an investor. For example, South Korea can support the development of North Korea's reform and opening-up program, which is capable of reducing negative economic effects. In order to expand and deepen inter-Korean economic relations in the future, the South should seek ideas to become a 'partner' of North Korea's economic reform and opening up through North Korea's economic policy towards South Korea to change too late.

Creating a profitable business model, backed by North Korea's economic reform, opening up and cooperation based on the concept of mutual benefit, is the most important prerequisite for the stable development of inter-Korean economic relations.



The DPRK has probably one of the most negative images of any tourist destination in the world and yet receives significant revenue from inbound tourism. On the other hand, it is clear at the time of writing that this depends primarily on the Bush administration's policy and Pyongyang's response to it. Works explaining the content of the heroic anti-Japanese armed struggle, the motherland's liberation war, and the revolutionary tradition of the Korean people.

Work that expresses the strength of one-hearted unity and invincible vitality of the Korean Workers' Party. The work on the superiority of the Korean socialist system centered on the masses and the struggle of the Korean people to build a socialist powerful nation. There is a terrible dilemma in the case of the DPRK and other similarly afflicted societies.

It would be foolish to minimize the problems of the DPRK's foreign political relations, nor the difficulties of its domestic political economy, which are interconnected. Source: World Tourism Organization, 'TSAs - Revolutionizing the way the tourism industry views', Press Release, May 10, 2001 (note that this includes both domestic and international tourism). Most of the available data relates to the Hyundai Asan Kumgangsan venture and originates from Hyundai.

Towards the end of 2000, a flurry of articles appeared indicating growing confidence, or perhaps overconfidence, in the DPRK's ability to bring in tourists despite the decline of Kumgangsan.

Fig 1. Kumgangsan
Fig 1. Kumgangsan


Korea.” Although the report claims that “North Korea is already busy preparing its overseas travel offices to attract as many tourists as possible for the event,” it remains to be seen whether the goal will be met. To put things into perspective, 100,000 foreign visitors is about the number predicted for the World Championships in South Korea, and it's hard to see gymnastics in PyeongChang in the same league as the tourist draw.98. Of course, it is unknown whether Kumgangsan will mark the beginnings of "normal" inbound tourism in the future or just a temporary phenomenon that showed promise but was ultimately stillborn, but it is clear that whatever happens will be a product of the same geopolitical forces that will shaped the Korean peninsula as a whole.

While implementing the June agreements is not a panacea that will automatically bring in tourists, and revenue, flooding in, failure to do so will surely destroy the venture. In the context of the worsening geopolitical situation, this would have serious consequences beyond the purely financial. 2001, there will be growing demand for tourism in Northeast Asia over the next decade and beyond.

Then comes the marketing of the DPRK as a tourist destination, which is a huge task given its current image and fierce competition in the region. The impact of tourism on the social and political structure of the DPRK is a controversial issue. North Korea is not alone in facing this challenge, which is common throughout the world, especially in small, previously isolated countries, and is not exclusive to 'economies in transition'. The DPRK's resilience has surprised many in the past.

The Democratic People's Republic of Korea has long experienced modest inbound tourism, but it was not until the inception of the Kumgangsan venture in November 1998 that the country transitioned to any form of mass tourism.



1 See background information: Limited Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone for Northeast Asia, 2nd meeting of the Enlarged Higher Committee, October Bordeaux, France. 2 See Draft "Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty in Northeast Asia" by Kuma Kaneka, October 1999; Kumao Kaneko, “Japan Needs No Umbrella,” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March/April 1996, p. Membership should include all interested states in the region with original members inviting others in the region to join, as well as all nuclear-weapon states.

5 Buenos Aires Group Concluding Statement: Findings and Recommendations of the Buenos Aires Group on a Limited Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (LNWFZ) for Northeast Asia. This group's proposal is called the Limited Nuclear Free Zone in Northeast Asia (LNWFZ-NEA). Circular Zone: An area in which the center is located in the middle of the DMZ on the Korean Peninsula.

6 The Bordeaux Protocol of the Limited Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone for Northeast Asia, Center for International Strategy, Technology and Policy at the Georgia Institute of Technology, March 1997, pp. Whatever format the NWFZ in Northeast Asia will adopt as a first step, it is important to build a consensus on what goals should be made in the first place. 216 A limited nuclear-weapon-free zone in Northeast Asia. tower of environmental pollution can be launched as small-scale technical projects.27 That is, a simultaneous move in the LNWFZ track and in the cooperative project track should be the way forward to be taken by the Extended Panel of the LNWFZ-NEA .

It is surprising that there has been very little discussion of the nuclear doctrines and deterrence strategies of the three nuclear weapon states in the LNWFZ-NEA gatherings.


Graph One
Graph Two Graph Three
Fig 1. Kumgangsan
Fig 2. Traditional DPRK Tourism: Free Trip as Prize for Eulogy


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