• 검색 결과가 없습니다.

북한 급변사태와 한국의 대응전략 -정치・외교・군사 분야-

N/A
N/A
Protected

Academic year: 2022

Share "북한 급변사태와 한국의 대응전략 -정치・외교・군사 분야-"

Copied!
249
0
0

로드 중.... (전체 텍스트 보기)

전체 글

(1)
(2)
(3)

연구 11-02

북한 급변사태와 한국의 대응전략 -정치・외교・군사 분야-

이 춘 근ㆍ박 상 봉

(4)

북한 급변사태와 한국의 대응전략

1판1쇄 인쇄/ 2011년 1월 24일 1판1쇄 발행/ 2011년 1월 28일

발행처/ 한국경제연구원 발행인/ 김영용 편집인/ 김영용 등록번호 / 제318-1982-000003호

(150-705) 서울특별시 영등포구 여의도동 27-3 하나대투증권빌딩 전화 3771-0001(대표), 3771-0057(직통) / 팩스 785-0270~3

http://www.keri.org

ⓒ 한국경제연구원, 2011

한국경제연구원에서 발간한 간행물은 전국 대형서점으로 구입하실 수 있습니다.

(구입문의) 3771-0057

ISBN 978-89-8031-600-7 10,000원

* 제작대행: 선우정보인쇄

(5)

발간사

역사는 반복한다. 이 평범한 말 속에 국가의 미래를 좌우할 진리 가 담겨 있다. 통일을 이루어낸 독일의 헬무트 콜(Helmut Josef Michael Kohl) 총리만큼 이 진리를 마음 깊숙이 체험한 사람도 없다. 1990년 독일은 예상 밖의 통일을 이루었다. 역사가 선물한 행운이었고, 콜 총리는 통일의 주인공이 되었다.

그러나 기쁨도 잠깐 콜 총리는 엄청난 후유증을 겪게 되었다. 실 업이 늘고 동독인의 서독 이주는 끊이지 않았다. 통일기금을 적립하 고 단결세를 도입했어도 재정은 늘 부족했다. 사회주의적 비효율의 뿌리를 자르고 동독을 재건하기가 만만치 않았다. 자유를 유보당하 고 감시체제하에 익숙한 행동을 바로잡기도 어려웠다. 만성적인 적 자 경제를 만들어 낸 ‘무임승차’ 관행도 좀처럼 고쳐지지 않았다.

통일 피로증이라고 할까, 국민의 불만이 극에 달했다. 콜 총리는

“과거 역사상 독일과 같은 통일의 전례가 있었다면 많은 시행착오를 반복하지 않았을 겁니다”라며 국민에게 진심어린 이해를 구했다. 국 민들은 이런 콜 총리의 호소를 수용했고 통일 후 두 차례나 총리직 을 위임했다. 역대 최장수 총리가 탄생한 순간이었다. 우리에게 콜 총리의 이런 호소는 더 이상 유효하지 않다. 급변사태와 통일, 이 역 사적 사건의 현장을 우리는 이미 20년 동안 보아오고 있기 때문이다.

북한이 불안하다. 김정은 체제가 정착하리라고 보는 전문가들도 거의 없다. 북한의 급변사태를 시사하고 있고, 우리는 이를 통일로 이끌어야 할 역사적 사명이 있다.

(6)

2010년 말 외교안보연구실을 신설한 한국경제연구원은 이러한 시 대적 사명을 수용하고 그 첫 번째 프로젝트로 “북한 급변사태와 한 국의 대응전략”을 선정했다. 북한에는 김정은 3대 세습과 관련해 무 리한 조치들이 이어지고 있다. 2009년 11월 화폐개혁은 막 움트기 시작한 시장의 싹을 송두리째 잘라버렸다. 작년에는 천안함과 연평 도에서 무력도발을 일으켰다. 그런가 하면 미국의 핵 전문가 해커 박 사를 초청해 농축 우라늄 시설을 공개하는 장면도 연출했다. 정상적 인 국가로는 상상할 수 없는 일련의 사건들이다. 권력 암투, 군부 소 요 등 언제 급변사태가 일어날지 장담할 수 없다.

본 보고서는 이런 시대적 요구에 대한 최소한의 응답이다. 완성된 시나리오에는 못 미치지만 기본 틀을 만들고자 최선을 다했다. 이를 토대로 깊이 있는 연구들이 수행되어 유사시 통일을 이루고 효율적 인 북한경제 재건에 박차를 가할 것을 기대한다.

“대한민국은 통일을 지향하며, 자유민주적 기본질서에 입각한 평 화적 통일정책을 수립하고 이를 추진한다”는 헌법 제4조의 정신이야 말로 본 보고서의 배경임을 다시 한 번 밝힌다.

2011년 1월 한국경제연구원 원장 김영용

(7)

목 차

요 약 / 9

제1장 서 론 / 15

1. 연구의 목적 및 필요성········································································ 17

(1) 연구의 전제 ······················································································· 17

(2) 연구의 주제 ······················································································· 20

(3) 기존 연구와의 차이점 ······································································· 20

2. 21세기 대북관 및 통일관··································································· 22

(1) 통일의 역사성 ···················································································· 22

(2) 통일의 현재성 ···················································································· 29

3. 한반도 문제의 국제정치적 역학도구··············································· 32

(1) 동북아시아와 한반도 ········································································· 32

(2) 천안함 사건 이후의 동북아 ······························································ 33

제2장 북한 급변사태 / 41 (1) 북한 내부 상황 ·················································································· 44

(2) 북한 급변사태 예상 시나리오: 기존 연구 ······································· 65

(3) 군사적 측면 ······················································································· 74

(4) 중국변수: 군사개입상황 ···································································· 88

(5) 북한 안정화 방안 ············································································ 100

(8)

제3장 대주변국 외교전략 / 125

1. 분단과 통일의 국제정치적 조건····················································· 127

(1) 한반도 통일의 국제적 변수 ···························································· 128

(2) 한반도에 대한 주변 강대국의 인식 ················································ 130

(3) 한반도와 미국: 한미동맹관계 ························································· 133

2. 미국과 북한 급변사태········································································ 139

(1) 통일을 향한 한미공조 ····································································· 139

(2) 미국의 대전략과 북한 ····································································· 142

(3) 북한 급변사태와 미국의 국익 ························································· 145

(4) 미국의 대 중국 인식과 전략 ·························································· 147

(5) 미국, 중국 그리고 한국의 통일정책 ··············································· 150

3. 중국과 북한 급변사태········································································ 155

(1) 중국의 한반도 전략 ········································································· 155

(2) 중국의 한반도 인식 ········································································· 156

(3) 중국의 국가이익과 딜레마 ······························································ 158

(4) 중국과 대한민국의 통일전략 ·························································· 163

4. 기타 주변국·························································································· 166

(1) 러시아 ······························································································ 166

(2) 일본 ·································································································· 167

5. 대한민국 통일외교전략······································································ 169

(1) 한반도 통일의 변수 ········································································· 169

(2) 통일을 위한 대한민국의 국제전략 ················································· 170

(9)

제4장 독일통일의 교훈과 한반도에 대한 시사점 / 171

1. 상황의 대반전······················································································ 173

2. 통일외교································································································ 176

(1) 대미외교 ··························································································· 176

(2) 대소외교 ··························································································· 180

(3) 대헝가리 외교 ·················································································· 181

(4) 기타 주변국 외교: 영국・프랑스・폴란드 ········································ 183

3. 동독 급변사태······················································································ 186

(1) 동독 내부 정치상황 ········································································· 187

(2) 대외상황: 동서독 외교전쟁과 헝가리 국경 개방 ·························· 191

4. 콜 정부의 동독 안정화 방안··························································· 192

(1) 독일 이주자 대책 ············································································ 192

(2) 1989년 무혈혁명과 급변사태 ························································· 209

5. 우리에게 주는 시사점········································································ 221

제5장 통일이행기(급변사태-통일) / 223 1. 북한 내 민주정권 창출 대책··························································· 226

2. 북한재건을 위한 토대 구축방안····················································· 229

(1) 화폐통합 ··························································································· 229

(2) 인민재산의 사유화 ··········································································· 234

제6장 결 론 / 237

영문초록 / 243

참조

관련 문서

물류관련 우리나라 기업의 중국 내수 진출 사례 4. 중국의 물류시장 활용방안 모색.. 중국 물류산업의 여건 분석.. 1) 중국의 물류시장

주최 ┃동서대학교 공자아카데미, 인천대학교 공자아카데미, 경희대학교 공자아카데미, 부산대학교 중국연구소, 제주한라대학교

모든 문화적 산물을 하나님의 말씀의 가르침에 비추어 평가해야 하고 , 우리는 이 세상의 문화 속에 있는 모든 가치 있는 것에 감사하며 사용 우리는 이 세상의 문화 속에

Ø 한·중 FTA 농업분야 협상전략수립과 대응방안모색에 기여 Ø 중국의 식품소비와 중국 시장 진출에 대한 관심을 충족. 지금까지 축적된 중국 농업 관련 정보와

중국의 유기식품과 한국의 유기식품은 생산과정에서 화학적으로 합성한 투입재나 식품첨가제 등을 일절 사용하지 않는다는 점에서 개념상의 차이는 없다.

위에서 설명한 내용을 기초로 본 논문은 기본적으로 ‘무기체계의 발달이 군사 제도 및 군사전략의 변화에 영향을 미친다.’라는 가정하에 출발한다. 이는 인류 의

한편, 남중국해 지역국가들이 중국의 무력점거를 국 제상설중재재판소에 제소하였고, 이에 대해 중국에 불리한 판결이 나오자 중국은 이 를 고의로 무시하고

첫째, 중국의 경제호황과 한국의 경제안정이다. 이것은 한국의 대중수출품 이 자국 산업의 경쟁력이 취약한 석유화학, 철강 등의 분야에 집중되어 있다.. 이런 상황에서