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Daily Report for Monday, May 15, 2017

1

Report for

Monday, May 15, 2017

Ordibehesht 25, 1396

* Highlights, Page 2

* News Briefs, Page 3

* Motahhari to vote for Rouhani. Page 3

* Terrorist plot foiled. Page 4

* About third debate. Page 4

* Struggle over largest private university heats up. Page 5

* Raisi has hired many pro-Ahmadinejad figures. Page 9

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Daily Report for Monday, May 15, 2017

2 Highlights

 The clash over the future of Islamic Azad University, perhaps the biggest legacy of the late Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, heats up in Iran. (See Page 5)

 Ebrahim Raisi’s campaign has much in common with the Ahmadinejad administration, just as President Hassan Rouhani said in the third televised debate. (See Page 9)

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Briefs

* Farsi-language Tasnim News Agency writes that election authorities have announced that the Iranians can vote in the May 19 elections from 08:00 to 18:00.

* Farsi-language Interior Ministry’s Director General for Political Affairs Mohammad-Amin Rezazadeh says that 40 million Iranians are anticipated to cast their ballots in the May 19 elections.

* Farsi-language website Aftab News writes that Presidential Office’s Deputy for Political Affairs Hamid Aboutalebi says that JCPOA has two opponents: Iranian hardliners like Saeed Jalili and President Trump. The difference, he said, is who is honest about it.

* Farsi-language website Aftab News writes that reformist analyst Abbas Abdi says that he believes most of the rural population would vote for Rouhani because they do not believe Raisi and Ghalibaf would fulfill their electoral promises.

* Farsi-language reformist newspaper Shargh writes that former education Mostafa Moin believes that hardline conservative principalists would vote in favor of Ghalibaf, while the traditional conservative principalists would vote in favor of Raisi.

* Farsi-language reformist newspaper Shargh takes a shot at Ghalibaf by writing that even though he accuses Rouhani of being the 4% [rich and corrupt], Bank Shahr is run with total lack of transparency. Bank Shahr is affiliated to Tehran Municipality.

* Farsi-language foreign based websites claim that Raisi will be declared the winner through fraud.

Motahhari to vote for Rouhani

Farsi-language reformist newspaper Shargh writes that Majlis Deputy Speaker and a conservative MP Ali Motahhari said that he supports Rouhani’s candidacy.

[He is brother-in-law of Ali Larijani.]

He gave several reasons behind his support for Rouhani.

1. Rouhani’s government created fiscal discipline and calm to the market after great economic turmoil [eight years of Ahmadinejad’s government]. He noted that when Rouhani took over, the price of a gold coin had reached about 10,000,000 rials, up from 900,000 rials.

2. Due to JCPOA and current developments in the Middle East and also the new administration in America, it is in Iran’s national interest that Rouhani should be re- elected. He said that there are individuals [hardliners in Iran] who would not mind it if JCPOA is abrogated or that there would be a conflict just so they could brag how revolutionary they are.

3. Government’s usually perform better in second term.

4. If a candidate other than Rouhani [Raisi or Ghalibaf]

is elected, then rights of Iranian nation would be trampled by certain organizations [hardliners]. The incumbent government has prevented many violations by these organizations and individuals.

5. The incumbent was able to good results in political, economic and cultural fields. This trend should continue in the second term.

6. It would be dangerous to hand over the government to individuals who do not even one day’s experience in the government or the parliament [Raisi and Ghalibaf].

He also said that if Rouhani is re-elected, Iran would

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Daily Report for Monday, May 15, 2017

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not become Switzerland in material terms, but it would certain not become another Venezuela.

Terrorist plot foiled

Farsi-language newspapers are reporting that intelligence and security forces managed to foil a plot by a terrorist team before it could find an opportunity to carry out acts of terrorism in the country.

Following ‘accurate intelligence and security measures’, the plot by the anti- revolutionary terrorist group was thwarted by Iran’s security forces, according to a statement by the Intelligence Ministry.

The terrorist group had planned to conduct acts of sabotage across the country, it added.

A large cache of explosives and bomb- making materials were also seized from the group, the ministry further said.

Despite being in a volatile region, Iran enjoys good security within its borders thanks to the competence and proficiency of its intelligence and security forces.

The forces have foiled several malicious attempts by terrorist elements against the country in the past few months.

On May 5, Iran’s Intelligence Minister Mahmoud Alawi announced that some 30 terrorist cells were identified and disbanded by the country’s security forces

over the past Iranian year (March 20, 2016 – March 20, 2017).

About third debate

The third presidential debate was another round of candidates accusing each other of corruption and mismanagement.

Farsi-language conservative newspaper Vatan Emrooz, highlighted the unsubstantiated allegations Tehran mayor made against Rouhani and Jahangiri during the third presidential debate as evidence they have used privilegium.

Farsi-language Javan, affiliated with the IRGC, covered the debate, highlighting what it sees to be the administration’s insistence on the status quo. The newspaper twisted Rouhani’s criticism of rivals over their plans to inject money into the society against him.

Farsi-language newspaper Kayhan also wrote about the third presidential debate. It predictably put forward anti-Rouhani interpretation. Its sarcastic headline somehow put these words in the mouth of Rouhani and allies: “People’s Livelihood is Quite Good [Already], and It’ll Be Perfect in Four Years!” with the kicker saying pro-administration candidates denied the economic catastrophe of the past four years.

Kayhan newspaper tried to prove that accusations brought up against the Rouhani administration including Iran- Crescent Deal are undeniable.

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Daily Report for Monday, May 15, 2017

5 Struggle over largest private university

heats up

On April 23, hours after the conservative daily Kayhan proclaimed that "[Islamic] Azad University is awaiting major restructuring," four members of the institution's nine- member board of trustees called a special session.

Mirzadeh's sudden replacement drew an outcry among Reformists, who fear that the country's largest private university is slowly falling into the hands of rival conservative factions.

Less than three weeks after his death, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appointed his foreign policy adviser Ali Akbar Velayati, a powerful conservative, to head the board of founders the institution's highest decision-making panel.

Despite being formally Islamic, the political importance of postsecondary education has only increased, particularly after students helped Mohammad Khatami, a Reformist advocate of cultural dialogue, get elected as president in 1997.

Both Reformist and conservative figures have established their own private

universities with curricula and teaching staff designed to follow the political leanings of their powerful founders.

Founded in 1982 as a private technical and engineering university, the size and scope of IAU exploded after Rafsanjani became president in 1989 and limits on private education were lifted.

For a short while during the early 2000s, IAU boasted a larger student cohort than the entire state university system combined, according to data from the Institute for Research and Planning in Higher Education.

While this change in status guaranteed a degree of university autonomy, it also removed the majority influence of the board of founders over the board of trustees and thus Rafsanjani's direct control over the university.

The temporary appointment of Nuriyan who is reported to be a cousin of Velayati shows that any Reformist or conservative attempt to assert more definite control over IAU is likely to remain postponed until after the tightly watched presidential election on May 19, in which Rouhani will face off conservative rivals.

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On April 23, hours after the conservative daily Kayhan proclaimed that “[Islamic]

Azad University is awaiting major restructuring,” four members of the institution’s nine-member board of trustees called a special session. Later in the day, Hamid Mirzadeh, the president of Islamic Azad University (IAU), received a note telling him to either resign voluntarily or be discharged by the weekend.

Mirzadeh’s sudden replacement drew an outcry among Reformists, who fear that the country’s largest private university is slowly falling into the hands of rival conservative factions.

Parvaneh Mafi, a Reformist member of parliament, told the Azad news agency,

“Attacks and intrusions against IAU have a political and electoral undertone. … Questioning Dr. Mirzadeh’s management is one of the key strategies of a dishonest media.” The ministers of science and health, both members of the IAU’s board of trustees, also expressed opposition to the move.

Rumors first emerged that Mirzadeh would be replaced by Farhad Rahbar, a staunch conservative and former president of Tehran University. In the end, however, the board of trustees appointed Ali Mohammad Nuriyan, a less controversial figure, to temporarily oversee university affairs.

Since former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, the founder and longtime leader of IAU, died in January, conflict over who gets to inherit his education legacy has heated up. Less than three weeks after his death, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appointed his foreign policy adviser Ali Akbar Velayati, a powerful conservative, to head the board of founders — the institution’s highest decision- making panel. Soon afterward, Velayati asserted authority over the board of trustees, putting him in a position to control IAU’s general direction.

The political struggle over IAU invokes parallels with other contested models of private education in the region, notably the school system run by Fethullah Gulen in Turkey.

In Iran, however, conflict over who gets to run the universities has been the order of the day since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, following revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s proclamation that “the nation’s progress lies with the university.”

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Faced with an unruly student movement, the young Islamic Republic closed the entire university system for almost two years between 1980 and 1982. Dissidents were purged and curricula reformed according to Islamic criteria. In 1987, the Islamic Republic made it a legal requirement for universities to educate “a virtuous believer, conscientious and engaged in the service of the Islamic society.”

Despite being formally Islamic, the political importance of postsecondary education has only increased, particularly after students helped Mohammad Khatami, a Reformist advocate of cultural dialogue, get elected as president in 1997.

Private education has been one of the main channels through which competing factions have tried to mobilize students in their causes. Both Reformist and conservative figures have established their own private universities with curricula and teaching staff designed to follow the political leanings of their powerful founders.

The majority of these private universities are located in Tehran and Qom, and focus on teaching social sciences, humanities and religious studies. A notable example of a Reformist institution is Qom-based Mofid University, which enrolls over 2,500 students and was established by Ayatollah Abdolkarim Mousavi Ardebili, a former head of the judiciary. On the conservative side, Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi founded the Imam Khomeini Institute in 1991 — a university that now hosts around 2,000 seminary students. Both of these institutions benefit from high national prestige in their respective fields. Indeed, Imam Sadeq University, which is located in Tehran and was founded by the powerful Ayatollahs Hossein Ali Montazeri and Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani, is one of the main educators of the state elite.

Yet IAU is by far the largest of these private universities. Founded in 1982 as a private technical and engineering university, the size and scope of IAU exploded after Rafsanjani became president in 1989 and limits on private education were lifted. For a short while during the early 2000s, IAU boasted a larger student cohort than the entire state university system combined, according to data from the Institute for Research and Planning in Higher Education. In 2014, it had an enrollment of 1.7 million students — reportedly the third largest university in the world.

Unlike state education, IAU does not have an urban base. The university has branches across the country, including in even smaller rural towns. Its monopoly on education in the countryside endows it with particular political weight. Indeed, according to the 2016 census, up to a fourth of Iran’s population resides in rural areas.

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While Rafsanjani was seen as a centrist during the 1990s, he moved closer to the Reformists after the election of conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in the 2005 presidential vote and the popular protests against his allegedly fraudulent re-election in 2009.

As a result, conservatives feared that IAU, too, would be turned into a bastion of Reformist power. Some hard-liner groups even accused IAU of contributing actively to the 2009 protest movement and of fostering a Reformist culture.

After 2009, the Ahmadinejad administration steadily upped pressure on IAU. In 2010, Rafsanjani was forced to replace Mir Hossein Mousavi, the defeated presidential candidate and Reformist leader of the protests — and a member of the IAU board of founders — with a less contentious figure.

Fearing a direct takeover by the government, Rafsanjani first tried turning the university into mortmain property. When that failed, he re-registered IAU as a private nonprofit organization.

While this change in status guaranteed a degree of university autonomy, it also removed the majority influence of the board of founders over the board of trustees — and thus Rafsanjani’s direct control over the university. Henceforth, the government and the supreme leader would play a more decisive role in determining IAU’s president.

Delays, opposition and bureaucratic obstacles prohibited Ahmadinejad from getting his own favored candidate elected as IAU president. When Hassan Rouhani, a Rafsanjani ally, was elected president in 2013, both agreed to appoint Mirzadeh.

The temporary appointment of Nuriyan — who is reported to be a cousin of Velayati

— shows that any Reformist or conservative attempt to assert more definite control over IAU is likely to remain postponed until after the tightly watched presidential election on May 19, in which Rouhani will face off conservative rivals. Whether that means replacing Nuriyan, or putting him in a more definite political position, any incoming government is expected to take a front seat in shaping the future of Iran’s largest private university.

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Daily Report for Monday, May 15, 2017

9 Raisi has hired many pro-Ahmadinejad

figures in presidential campaign

In Friday presidential debates, when Ebrahim Raisi angrily demanded that Hassan Rouhani held a one on one debate with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to put an end to his criticisms of the former president, Rouhani fired back with a response formerly less noted: he said debate with Raisi was enough since his campaign enjoyed collaboration with members of the previous administration.

All Principlists have sided with Raisi, particularly former friends and ministers of Ahmadinejad.

Even Ahmadinejad's culture minister and member of the Popular Front of

Revolutionary Forces (PFRF) Mohammad Hosseini has said that Ghalibaf will probably become Raisi's vice president.

They seem to have already arranged everything: President Raisi and Vice President Ghalibaf.

Once in charge of the nuclear dossier under the Ahmadinejad administration, he issued a statement announcing his withdrawal from the presidential race, before going to visit Raisi.

After Raisi declared his independence from the all-Principlist camp Popular Front of Revolutionary Forces, Zarghami was the only man who wrote a letter, demanding Raisi's removal from the PFRF shortlist of hopefuls.

The former IRIB chief, who was himself one of the PFRF's candidates for the presidential race, wrote in his letter that Raisi should be removed from the list because he did not want to be under the umbrella coalition.

Elsewhere in his remarks and in response to internal criticism brought up against Raisi supporters, he said a president should not necessarily be a project manager, as he should be a macro-level director within the establishment.

Zakani who was one of the most ardent critics of the Rouhani administration and the nuclear negotiations team was strongly rumored to be appointed as Raisi's campaign director but he was finally replaced by Nikzad.

As the spokeswoman of the PFRF, Dastjerdi cannot side with Raisi while Ghalibaf is still in the race.

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Daily Report for Monday, May 15, 2017

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Farsi-language reformist newspaper Shargh: In Friday presidential debates, when Ebrahim Raisi angrily demanded that Hassan Rouhani held a one on one debate with Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to put an end to his criticisms of the former president, Rouhani fired back with a response formerly less noted: he said debate with Raisi was enough since his campaign enjoyed collaboration with members of the previous administration.

Rouhani is right. All Principlists have sided with Raisi, particularly former friends and ministers of Ahmadinejad. Raisi has the lead in the intraparty race with Ghalibaf.

Even Ahmadinejad’s culture minister and member of the Popular Front of Revolutionary Forces (PFRF) Mohammad Hosseini has said that Ghalibaf will probably become Raisi’s vice president. They seem to have already arranged everything: President Raisi and Vice President Ghalibaf.

This clearly explains why no Principlist is siding with Ghalibaf these days. He has only himself and his men in the Municipality. Thus, the ultimate share he will probably get in the potential Principlist administration is vice presidency. This maybe the secret to a unanimous shift toward Raisi in the Principlist front. There seems to be no reward in being by Ghalibaf’s side these days. In contrast, many better-known figures have gathered around Raisi. Interestingly, some of them including former Tehran MP Hamid Rasaei or the vocal cleric Alireza Panahian do not have amicable ties with Ghalibaf, too.

Hamid Rasaei

Hardliner anti-Rouhani Principlist was an Ahmadinejad advocate. He was barred for the latest parliamentary election in February 2016, to which he responded by withdrawing into his farm, planting zucchinis. He once again ran for the midterm election from Isfahan. This time the Guardian Council endorsed his qualification but he withdrew.

Last year, he wrote on his website: “Ghalibaf has called the nuclear deal successful, whereas the Supreme Leader has labeled it ambiguous, structurally weak in terms of sanctions relief and potentially causing great damage for the present and the future”.

Rasaei considered Ghalibaf to be in the same line with the Rouhani administration, claiming the alliance was rooted in the astronomical discounts scandal over transfer of mainly uptown real estate properties to close friends. On May 1, Rasaei gave a speech

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to a gathering of Ebrahim Raisi’s central campaign headquarters in the grand mosque of Shahr-e Kord.

Saeed Jalili

He was the first major figure who threw support behind Raisi. Once in charge of the nuclear dossier under the Ahmadinejad administration, he issued a statement announcing his withdrawal from the presidential race, before going to visit Raisi.

He has been to more campaign visits and lectures for Raisi than any other Principlist.

He has visited Qazvin, Hamedan, Khuzestan, and Amir Kabir University to support Raisi.

Ali Nikzad

Nikzad is the director of Raisi’s campaign. He was a key minister of Ahmadinejad, and accompanied the then president in the Interior Ministry as part of the entourage for Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, who wanted to sign up for the 2013 presidential race.

Being the Housing Minister of Ahmadinejad, Nikzad launched the Mehr Housing project as part of his policies. Raisi has strongly defended the project during his campaign. It is not unlikely that Nikzad goes back to complete the project under the Raisi administration.

Ezatollah Zarghami and Mehrdad Bazrpash

From among all supporters of Raisi, the case of Zarghami is the most curious. After Raisi declared his independence from the all-Principlist camp Popular Front of Revolutionary Forces, Zarghami was the only man who wrote a letter, demanding Raisi’s removal from the PFRF shortlist of hopefuls.

The former IRIB chief, who was himself one of the PFRF’s candidates for the presidential race, wrote in his letter that Raisi should be removed from the list because he did not want to be under the umbrella coalition. He had stressed that a deviation from the norm would be a breach of the PFRF directives, agreed by all members.

However, it was recently reported that Zarghami has joined Raisi’s supporters.

Bazrpash, was in the PFRF’s five-man short-list but arrived late for registration. He

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then said he had gone to the Interior Ministry to announce his withdrawal in favor of other Principlist candidates. However, some reports indicate that he was informed of his disqualification and advised to withdraw. Bazrpash too was one of the executives of the Ahmadinejad administration who became the managing director of gian carmaker Saipa, at a young age.

Alireza Panahian and Hassan Abbasi

Panahian is close to Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, who once backed Ahmadinejad. He played a key role in the notorious gathering of The Solicitous, an anti-nuclear deal campaign against the Rouhani administration. On May 1, he spoke to a large gathering of Raisi supporters, firing a squib at Ghalibaf. “Until now, there has never been a presidential candidates with such major responsibilities at the time of candidacy,” he said, praising Raisi’s portfolio. “Take other candidates for example. At their best, they have been the mayor of a metropolis,” he said.

Elsewhere in his remarks and in response to internal criticism brought up against Raisi supporters, he said a president should not necessarily be a project manager, as he should be a macro-level director within the establishment. Hassan Abbasi, a hardliner orator of the Principlist front, has spoken out harshly against Hassan Rouhani in recent months. Several days ago, he expressed hope during a speech that major pro-reform figures will be executed when the administration is replaced. Panahian and Abbasi are reportedly going to give speeches in different mosques in Tehran.

Zakan, Zaribafan, and Zahedi

The three disqualified Principlist hopefuls are also on the Raisi team. Zakani who was one of the most ardent critics of the Rouhani administration and the nuclear negotiations team was strongly rumored to be appointed as Raisi’s campaign director but he was finally replaced by Nikzad. Massoud Zariban, director of the Martyrs Foundation under Ahmadinejad, was previously seen as part of the second ring of Ahmadinejad adherents. Zahedi too was Ahmadinejad’s Science Minister.

All the three have issued statements to throw support behind Raisi. “It should be noted that all organized headquarters and facilities established in Tehran and other provinces will work in support of Hujjat al-Islam Ebrahim Raisi,” read Zaribafan’s statement.

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Mohammad Abbasi and Mirkazemi

They have both been Ahmadinejad ministers. Mirkazemi was even appointed campaign chief by Raisi for a single day but was replaced by Nikzad. He was then appointed director of the campaign’s planning committee. Mirkazemi was the only economy minister in Ahmadinejad’s first term that seriously advocated his president’s economic policies in the heat of the 2009 presidential race.

Karimi Ghoddousi, Ghazipour, and Vahid Dastjerdi

Last week, ILNA had reported that big gatherings would be held across the country for young supporters of Raisi. Javad Karimi Ghoddousi, Mashhad MP, another critic of Rouhani’s foreign policy, would be visiting Gilan. Nader Ghazipour, who represents Urmia in the parliament, would give a speech in the city and Marzieh Vahid Dastjerdi would be in Ardabil.

Dastjerdi was Ahmadinejad’s healthcare minister. She has not openly backed Raisi in her speech. As the spokeswoman of the PFRF, she cannot side with Raisi while Ghalibaf is still in the race. “It is quite likely that one candidate withdraw in favor of another or that the election go to the run-off. Both candidates backed by the PFRF will remain in the scene until the end,” she said.

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